WW3 Threat Assessment: "Trump Bombing Iran Just Increased Nuclear War Threat" The Terrifying Reality
4014 segments
What does the United States think it's
going to gain from decapitating the
Iranian leadership?
>> Well, that that's kind of obvious based
on what the president has said. It's
that
>> on what the president has said.
>> I'm I'm just saying based on what the
president says.
>> You can't trust anything that you're
hearing right now. You can't trust
anything that you're reading right now.
Two to multiply.
>> It's not paranoid. Absolutely. It is
paranoid to suggest that everything is
misinformation. Iran doesn't have a
nuclear weapon. So, it's not a nuclear
threat.
>> You speak a different nuclear language
than I do. This regime is at its lowest
lowest point. Why not strike it now?
>> I mean, I can give lots of reasons why
you wouldn't strike it. The ability to
create their own.
>> What are you concerned about? And what
are the unintended consequences that
you're foreseeing?
>> There is a domino effect that happens
with every decision that the United
States makes. So
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world. And uh yeah, let's do this.
Benjamin, Annie, Andrew, first and
foremost, thank you for being here
today. I I have to start with the
question that's been on my mind as
somebody that doesn't know a huge amount
about geopolitics, which is what the
hell is going on? And I and I say that
because that's exactly what I mean. What
is going on and what context do I need
to understand this sort of historical
context of the actions we're seeing in
Iran with this war right now? Benjamin,
I know you've got a a personal
connection to Iran because your family
fled Iran, I believe.
>> Yeah, I was uh I was 2 years old when we
left in March of 1979. Um uh a few
months after the sha had left and uh
just after Hani had arrived.
>> What is the sha and what is hermeni?
Yeah, sorry. The sha uh the former
monarch of Iran um the Pathfi dynasty
which came into power in the 1930s
deposing a previous dynasty that had
been around for a couple hundred years
and um the he his father brought in that
dynasty and then it was eventually he
was deposed by the British and the
Americans who felt he was getting too
close to the Nazis during World War II
concerned about supply routes for the
Nazis, oil and his son was installed on
the throne at a very young age, I
believe 18 or 19 and Um he ruled Iran
from uh from that period 1941
1942 around that time all the way
through 79 a great ally of the United
States over over time eventually um and
uh was depos was um overthrown on a
revolution and uh by Kumeni who was a
senior cleric who had been a thorn in
the Shaw side since the 60s was exiled
first to Turkey then Iraq then
ultimately to France right outside Paris
actually from there he basically led the
revolution ution that led to the sha's
uh removal um after 79.
>> And how was Iran different when the sha
was in power versus when her was in
power?
>> That depends on who you ask. Um it was a
constitutional monarchy. The sha had
powers that exceeded beyond what we
think a constitutional monarchy has
today like in Great Britain. Um he was
he ruled with an iron fist when he
needed to. He was an authoritarian, but
he also was one that was rapidly
modernizing Iranian society, wanted to
make it more like the West, using Iran's
immense oil resources and wealth to
really accelerate development, building
of social institutions, healthcare, uh,
literacy, modernization, all of those
things. That was his focus. Make Iran
more like the West. And, uh, in that
sense, he succeeded, but it came at the
expense often times of civil liberties
for many people. It came at the expense
of freedom for those who wanted to
essentially practice religion, Islam,
Shia, Islam in their own way. The Sha
was not hostile to religion, but he he
his policies were inconsistent with
where the traditional religious Iranians
wanted to go. And it sort of created a
schism in society. And you also had um a
wealth gap, an income disparity.
Immense wealth poured into the country,
but it didn't trickle its way downward
into the sort of the village and rural
poor. And so there was a lot of
frustration, a lot of disenchantment
with his policies. And that led to sort
of this populist backlash of wanting
something that was more democratic, more
accountable, uh more like the West uh
ironically. And uh and that sort of was
the beginning of of where that cycle
led.
>> And so how did Hani take power of Iran?
He led a movement, a mass populist
movement, not a religious one, but meant
to um go across multiple socio-economic
and political divides and unified the
opposition under this idea of removing
the monarchy, removing dependence on the
west. He specifically said Iran uh the
United States was to large part to blame
for Iran being in the state that it was,
for people not having the the the the
things they needed to live, the
freedoms, the liberties. He blamed the
Shaw's um use of the secret police and
torture methods on the United States and
on Israel who he claimed, you know,
taught the secret police how to do these
things. Um there's a complicated sort of
history to that. And he basically
promised them salvation from a what he
did what he portrayed as a puppet tyrant
of the United States and the masses
bought into this. But both the left and
the right really the right consisted of
the the black the Islamists. So you had
the red which were sort of the the
Marxist socialist uh followers. You had
the black and then you had sort of that
middle in between and they all coalesed
around this one charismatic religious
figure very um austere man um one who
didn't really have a lot of luxuries
himself led a simple life but was
consistent with his opposition to what
he saw uh tyranny and despatism and
people bought into it
>> and the Americans didn't like this. The
Americans didn't know what to make of
it. And there was a failure, and I think
Andrew can talk about this as well, over
a failure by the State Department, the
CIA in the 70s to see where the threat
was. They saw the threat coming from the
Soviet Union. They they were still
afraid of Soviet encroachment in the
Middle East, particularly through Iran.
Their concerns were with the Marxists,
the Communist parties. They did not
carefully look at the black. They didn't
look at the Islamists. They didn't see
them as a threat until it was too late.
The Shaw himself blocked or really
didn't give the CIA full access to Iran.
There was limited information that was
coming out. He relied on his own u
intelligence which fed him information
he wanted to hear which is that
everything is going great. The country
is doing well. The people love you.
They're all happy until the discontent
and the the protest became they reached
a threshold and it was too late to do
anything about it.
>> Yeah. The United States was kind of at
their peak period of meddling in foreign
governments at the time. Um kind of uh
in a strange way that we've come full
circle. This idea of of controlling an
entire country by controlling the
figurehead of the country. That's where
we were in the uh late '7s at the kind
of brink of the Cold War, right? Nobody
knew that the Berlin Wall was going to
fall. We were all concerned with the
spread of communism. Nobody was paying
attention to the Islamist threat. Nobody
was paying attention to really any other
kind of threat at all. was very much the
the
unfettered, uncontrolled,
unsupervised CIA running around with no
oversight and with very deep pockets.
>> And that changed at some point.
>> That changed in 2001 when uh al-Qaeda
successfully carried out the 911 attacks
in New York. And all of a sudden, the
threat that we had all been ignoring was
on our doorstep and had grown so wealthy
and had spread so vast across the world
that Islamic extremism became almost
overnight a household term. Now, there's
still a difference between al-Qaeda,
Islamic Shia extremism, and what is
practiced in the Shia faith and with the
outcomes that the Shia militants are
trying to pursue uh in support of Iran.
But it's hard to differentiate that in
the United States where we don't
understand the difference between Sunni
and Shia.
>> Annie, what do you think this war is
really about?
>> Very interesting what you both said and
I think what I would add to that to that
which very much speaks to today is that
the CIA in fact had many ups and downs
over the decades from its creation right
after World War II until this moment in
time and then on 911. And so it's been
like an accordion experience of power
being taken away from the CIA and then
being grabbed back because the CIA has
always historically been the president's
hidden hand. It has been the way in
which the White House can execute
executive power without having to follow
the laws of war that the military does.
So military is a code called title 10.
CIA is a code called Title 50. And while
that may sound a bit wonkish, it is
important to understand because Title 50
essentially, as Andrew can speak to,
gives the president authority under
classified presidential directive to
change any rule he wants that suits him
for an operation at hand, which gets us
precisely to where we are today.
>> So, as far as I understand, there was
the Sha, the sort of royal leader who
was in power. He was overthrown in the
late 1970s by Hermeni. Hermeni
galvanized people to believe in his way
and he's been in power ever since.
>> It gets complicated because homi with an
O was the original leader of the
revolution and was later replaced by Hy
with an A. Okay, there's two and but no
that's that is
>> the supreme leader the you know and this
speaks to the revolutionary nature of
Iran which has been you know taking
place since 1979 you know in the news
today people hear the um IR you know the
Iranian revolutionary guard and it's so
important to understand that word
revolution because and you can speak to
this better than any of us but Iran has
been holding on to this idea uh that or
rather the regime has that we are the
revolutionary force against America.
That is why the chant is always death to
America. The wound of 19 of pre-1975,
the wound of America meddling and having
the shaw as its puppet is as inflamed or
was as inflamed two days ago as it was
the day after the revolution in 1979.
>> I think that's probably important
context. we m missed which was the US
got involved in the sha and how he
governed Iran.
>> It's a fascinating period in 1951. So
basically under the Iranian constitution
the sha the king has the authority to
select the prime minister with the
consent of parliament. The consent part
is really nominal and so Mosad who is a
senior member of parliament and also a
member of the previous royal dynasty is
distantly related. this um elderly
statesman who the sha out of sort of
courtesy after having gone through a
successive list of prime ministers says
okay I'm going to appoint him prime
minister so he wasn't democratically
elected he was the he was elected to
parliament but from there the sha
selected him to be prime minister
mosadak nationalized the oil company the
Anglo-American oil company which was
owned primarily by the British this
angered the British who in turn
blockaded Iran's ports and basically
shut down its oil um industry and
creating a national crisis. Um, and
Mosatk was sort of amassing additional
powers within himself uh for himself
basically overstepping the authority
that he had even though he had the
support of a good deal of the public as
it became obvious that this was a a bad
move especially in the eyes of um Iran's
international trading partners and it
was causing Iran to be um isolated.
There was push back towards him and then
he was removed. The British had wanted
MI6 had wanted to overthrow him,
basically get him removed and they um
try to recruit the United States to
help. Um President Truman refused to
engage in this earlier. Eisenhower comes
in is more receptive under CIA CIA
director Alan Dulles to actually engage
in this called operation TP Ajax led by
Kermit Roosevelt who is the CIA agent uh
officer tasked with this. And then the
Americans and the British basically help
ferment a crowd that is a part of the
movement that removes mosatk. Now
whether it's a common I think a
misconception that the US CIA was behind
it. The British had a bigger role in in
this. The um Americans were more of the
junior partner but they became sort of
the public face of it.
>> But Moad was not this overwhelmingly
popular democratically elected figure
either. The history is more complicated.
And regardless um there have been many
prime min there were many prime
ministers after him. Um and so he was
known as a nationalist because he
believed that Iran's oil should be
nationalized and not really beholden to
British interests and that created a lot
of u resentment and animosity. But that
began the US Iranian relationship really
solidified when the sha returned. He
didn't leave really he just sort of took
himself out of the country for a bit but
he never stepped down. Um and while this
was all being resolved then he comes
back and then the the US Iranian
relationship continues all the way
through 79.
>> So the UK and the US have been meddling
in Iran for a long time and kind of you
know exerting their will.
>> The UK since the 19th century by far the
UK has been the dominant colonial force
in in modern Iranian history.
>> And they lose that power in the sort of
1980s early 1980s because the Hani comes
in. The British lose that power with the
fall of pretty much the fall of the
empire in the 1940s after World War II
and the United States in 79. Exactly.
>> And then since then, the UK and the US
haven't been able to sort of exert
control and their will over Iran and
>> zero zero. There's not even an embassy
there because of course they took our
embassy or they took over the embassy. I
mean, it's been it's been like ground
zero of nothing for the CIA's power, for
any American power, really for any
Western power.
>> You call it a black box.
>> It's a rogue nation. It's a black box of
information. A rogue nation is a is one
of a handful of countries around the
world that follow no international
norms. Um, North Korea is a rogue
nation. Uh, Bellarus is a rogue nation.
Cuba is a rogue nation. Venezuela was a
rogue nation. These countries that
completely stand separate from the the
norms of an international society. And
in Iran's case, it also became this
black box where it did not allow
foreigners in, especially not
Westerners. It closed down its embassy.
the traditional methods for collecting
intelligence were very difficult and
geographically it's so far away and so
far outside of the the sphere of
influence for the United States that in
terms of intelligence and military
prioritization it just fell to the
bottom of the list
>> and yet look exactly where it is it's
right in the middle of the east and to
Benjamin's point oil it's always about
oil there's always a component of oil
>> and there are so many other oil options
in that region besides Iran right? Saudi
Arabia, UAE, uh Bahrain, Qatar, they
they've they've got the United States
could partner with other Arab countries
to get what they wanted without having
to deal with Iran.
>> So, explain to me in simple terms why
Trump right now has decided that this is
the best time to attack Iran. I want to
start with you, Andrew. What's your
point of view on that? The full picture
of what his motivations. I think the
question that you just asked is the most
preient question that we will talk about
today. Why? Why now? Why is it being
communicated the way it's being
communicated? Why was it executed the
way it was executed? So why is now the
very the best of all times? I frankly
don't think it is. I think that's the
narrative that's being communicated to
the world and to the public. Um, what
Donald Trump did in attacking Iran goes
against what the ODNI report assessed
for the big the most likely threats
against the United States in her 2000 in
the ODNI's 2005 threat assessment. It
goes against the uh Department of Wars
2026 national defense strategy and it
goes against the White House's national
security strategy. These massive
doctrinal
>> annual assessments for how the United
States will will protect national
security. The attack against Iran goes
contrary to all three of those in terms
of priority and action. So why now? Why
the way that we've done it? I can't
answer it in any kind of logical way.
>> What's the non-logical answer?
>> It's a distraction. It's international
pressure with Israel. It's a cheap win
after a series of losses.
It's uh a lastditch effort before he
understands he that Donald Trump and and
his party will lose control of the House
in the midterms this year.
>> I have a little bit of a different take,
shall I?
>> Um
I believe the current administration is
led as a completely top-down situation.
In other words, like sole presidential
authority. this current president is
very enraptured with power and with um
prowess, with effectiveness. And on the
heels of Maduro and maybe even the
cartel leader in Mexico, I believe that
the current president saw a moment of of
intense weakness that had been building,
no doubt. And in waring in general, when
when looking at it theoretically like
someone like myself, the decapitation
strike is the ultimate strike. It's
literally like it sounds when you can it
comes from cut off the head of the
snake. And that is exactly what just
happened.
>> Why? Why though? Why? Why did he do
that?
>> Well, I cannot tell you why, but I can
tell you what what we all know that this
happened. So if you reverse engineer
what happened I think it become there's
only one conclusion which is that I
would think the current president had
wanted to do this and was waiting
till he had the intelligent the good the
intell and the intelligence part of it
is beyond remarkable like how they how
the CIA and NSA and you know probably
DIA and NGA all of these intelligence
agencies, of which there are many, not
just the CIA, were able to get that
information to the president in that
exact moment, and make that strike and
decapitate the leadership that has been
in power since 1979.
>> When they talk about the motives here,
Trump will often site nuclear weapons as
the motive, saying he didn't want uh
Iran to get nuclear weapons. Is is that
what's going on here in your point of
view? The 2025 National Threat
Assessment that was produced by the ODNI
in March, so less than a year old,
specifically says that Iran was unlikely
to pursue the development of nuclear
enrichment or nuclear weapons. That was
the assessment of the the ODNI and that
instead their primary concern was that
Iran was going to focus resources into
the research of biological and chemical
weapons. So the fact that in March of
2025 the ODNI the assessment of all
intelligence agencies said Iran is not
working on a nuclear weapon and then
after the strike in June of the same
year where we dropped bunker busters and
in Fordo further obliterating their
nuclear enrichment capability and
obliterating their program. We have two
documents that say they're not
developing it. We have another series of
attacks that says it's obliterated and
yet we're still saying that we need to
attack Iran because of WMD. We've heard
that story before. We've heard that WMD
is a just that the concern of WMD is a
just cause for war and that was when we
invaded Iraq in 1992.
>> So what do you think the real motivation
there is? Therefore is
>> it's very similar to what Annie is
saying that that we have a current
administration that is president down.
It's fascinating if you read the
official documentation because when you
read the department of wars national
security strategy what you hear more
than any other word is Donald Trump. Our
President Donald Trump is leading
America through our President Donald
Trump, the great Donald Trump. Like the
it's incredible when you hear the
speeches that come out of Marco Rubio's
mouth or Pete Hex's mouth. What do you
hear more than any other term? You hear
the name of the president. Usually you
hear we or the government or this
administration. It's not around a
personality. So, it's a very interesting
situation because it there's so much of
a person at stake here and everybody
surrounding the office of the president
is only there because they are
respecting kissing the ring of the
personality in the center
>> and I'm going to add to that further
just for a moment if I may because on
that point the button on that is that if
you I watch the president the current
president's speeches to sort of you know
discern things and you can often See,
get your answer right there. And in one
of the speeches either this morning or
yesterday, he mentioned that the
Ayatollah tried to kill him.
And it's to me it's like, oh, that's the
tit for tat, you know, again, top down
or you could say school boy sandbox. I
say that as the mother of two boys. you
know, this human behavior that is way
outside the norm of, you know,
intelligence reports and assessments and
these long monographs that may or may
not actually be effective. I mean, you
know, the biggest surprises of the past
40 years, the Berlin wall falling and
9/11 were completely unseen by any
intelligence report. So there is an
argument that those intelligence reports
are as good as a coin toss. So I want to
come to that point because the very fact
that we have an Islamic Republic is a
direct result of a failure of American
intelligence to see that threat as early
as 197677.
A failure to inform then President
Carter to do the necessary take the
necessary steps to support the Sha and
to neutralize that threat. So the United
States track record in Iran for the last
40 or 50 years is abysmal when it comes
to intelligence uh and when it comes to
statecraftraft. And so there's that
legacy, number one. Number two, October
7, 2023, the Hamas attack against Israel
changed the dynamic entirely. That
attack surprised Israeli intelligence.
It surprised Americans. It surprised
almost anybody watching. Nobody thought
Hamas was going to do that, when they
did it, and the means in which they did
it. So all of a sudden, that forced a
recalibration, a recalculation of what's
at stake, what could happen. If we wait
for an imminent threat till we see
actually the sign outside the door, it's
too late. So from the president's
perspective to answer your original
question, why now? Why do this? I
believe the October 7th attacks and it's
not at the behest of Israel necessarily.
It's the idea that Iran we know finances
Hamas, subsidizes Hamas, trains Hamas,
equips Hamas, provides um logistical
support of on on many levels so that
Hamas can be what it was. And Hezbollah
also. You have these destabilizing
non-state groups in the Middle East
wreaking havoc, destabilizing, causing
uh causing chaos. You're the United
States. You're also dealing with a
nuclear threshold state. So Iran may or
may not have a nuclear weapons program,
but they exceeded the 20% enrichment
that they were allowed to do under the
nonuclear non-proliferation treaty. They
they violated IAEA safeguards. They they
lied. So you take all of this together,
this is a regime that can't be trusted,
that chance death to America, which is
more than Saddam Hussein ever did, and
is funding groups that had a that up
until 911, Iran was behind more acts of
terror that cost American lives than any
other state or non-state group in the
world. 911 changed that, but up until
that, the Marine barracks bombing um in
in the 1980s, terrorist attacks
throughout Europe, South America, US
embassy, absolutely the USS Cole, right?
So this is a we've we've been at war
from the president's perspective with
Iran since they took our hostages for
which they've never atoned for. They've
never been held to account for. So if
you take that calculus and then now
we're in a post October 7th world with a
nuclear threshold state what happened
that changed was last year's 6 day a
12-day war in June created an
opportunity weakened Iran enough and its
proxies Hezbollah Hamas weakened. If
there's an opportunity to finally
address this 47year-old conflict, this
was the window to do it. That is why I
believe rightly or wrongly the president
took the action when he did.
>> That doesn't make it the best window.
And that's what we're being told is that
it was the last best window.
>> I don't think it was the last best
window, but it was a window or at least
from their perspective, it was it was a
window. You've got everyone weakened.
You've got the the regime less popular
than it's ever been. I mean, we saw the
protest in January that led to the the,
you know, the the blood bath that, you
know, upwards of 30,000 people killed on
January 8th and 9th. This was, you know,
this this regime is at its lowest lowest
point both in terms of domestic
credibility and soft power and ability
to to use proxies to carry out its will.
Why not strike it now would be the
logic.
>> I mean, I can give lots of reasons why
you wouldn't strike it. It's it's it's
violating international law. It sets a
dangerous precedent. It creates
instability. There are Americans dead,
Maradis dead, uh Saudis dead for what?
For for for something that was already
on the precipice of dying itself.
>> It's been dying for 40 years.
>> So why not let it run its course?
>> Because because what more damage is it
going to do? What more October 7th can
we see?
>> Arguably less than anything that's
already been done. So, it's like taking
action on it's like putting down the
dead dog after it's done all of its
>> Well, you I don't think that you could
say to the families of the 30,000 some
people who were murdered by the regime
just earlier, you know, in January that
it's a dead dog. I don't I think they
would disagree.
>> That's it's their country. It's their
people. It's their it's their decision.
It's their right to self-determination.
>> I'm not saying it's correct what was
done. I'm I'm just simply telling saying
the facts of that which I agree with you
know unilaterally that that the weakened
situation was perceived by this
administration as the moment to strike
and what is done is done.
>> Agreed.
>> And so I think what's more interesting
to me is you know observing how America
is dealing with this. I mean we are in
our own crisis America our own serious
crisis and there are crises around the
world particularly in this area and
without having a crystal ball none of us
know and I think that what will happen
in the next two weeks will be profoundly
telling interestingly people will say
this was a good move or this will was a
bad move which in and of itself is a
bizarre theater because your point is
correct you've got you America taking
action in a place that's not its not its
sovereign country.
>> Yes. And to your point, you've got, you
know, decades of a menace that is now
off the table.
>> I would disagree with that. Exactly. We
don't know. And and the worst part is
that in the leadup to this, Iran's
relationship with the with Russia and
China and and other countries that are
successfully countering American
influence worldwide had grown closer
than ever before. I think they're fair
weather friends that just turn on them
in a second.
>> What are you concerned about, aren't
you?
>> So, so there's a number of things here.
So, first of all, with the removal of
Maduro in Venezuela, which happened less
than 60 days ago, and now the killing,
the assassination of a of a leader,
>> the decapitation of the regime,
>> which was the same thing you did here
when you rendered Maduro, right? It's a
decapitation of a regime.
>> That's different. I I would say if
you're going to, you know, extract
someone, you haven't killed them. So,
that's not decapitation. basically
swapping out the CEO. This is completely
reforming the company or
>> I agree with that because because they
were different countries. They operated
in different ways. But when you attack
the leadership,
>> when you attack the head of state,
>> that is protected under international
law because because when you do that,
you open the gates for everyone.
>> Of course.
>> What is it? What is at the heart of your
concern? Because it sounds like you're
saying that this wasn't the right time
to do this and and so what are the
unintended consequences that you're
foreseeing? So there is a domino effect
that happens with every decision that
the United States makes. And now that we
have essentially taken this military
action against a sovereign country, it
opens the door for all sorts of other
countries to just unilaterally choose
when they're going to take action
against another sovereign independ. We
have created more opportunity for more
rogue nations which is a greater
abandonment of an international
community which destabilizes our global
trade, our economics, our sense of
personal security. The Americans are
less secure now than they were 4 days
ago. They are targeted now more than
they were 4 days ago. And if we if we
are coming to the conclusion that we
need to make things worse before we can
make things better, that's a
conversation I guess we can have. the
debate we can have. But with with the
crisis that we have here at home, with
the concerns that exist, with the stated
priorities,
>> crisis here at home,
>> we have an economic crisis here at home,
an immigration crisis here at home. We
have a crisis of politics here at home.
Like the United States is
>> I would just say it's tribal warfare
here at home. I mean, I watch it and
it's just very, very, very dangerous.
Keep going.
>> No, no, no. It's just now we have just
exacerbated that even more. And we've
exacerbated that more with an ally in
the Middle East that just got done
carrying out one of the most destructive
attacks in history against Gaza.
>> You you brought up something. You talk
about sovereignty. Um with regards to
the January 8th um
the violence committed against the
protesters. You said that that basically
it's their own people's
self-determination. How do how does the
international community deal with acts
of state violence against its own
people?
>> That's so we have a a word for that and
it's called intrastate conflicts. Okay.
Conflict inside of a state, a civil war,
>> right?
>> Mhm.
>> The international community has no
responsibility for stepping into a civil
war.
>> So that was this is a great point. This
is the debate that the uh that the four
allied powers had at the end of World
War II when they were convening the
Nermberg trials. You had this idea that
we don't have laws to account for how a
country or state treats people within
its own sovereign borders. The idea is
that Germany could do what Germany did
within Germany proper. Forget about
occupied Germany. Within its own
borders, it can mistreat anybody because
that was German law. And the push was
that that's not the world we want to
live in anymore. We want to live in a
world where basically nations cannot do
that to people. And that's where the
basis of the Nuremberg tribunals came.
And that's where we got international
law of war crimes, crimes of aggression,
genocide, so on and so forth. So the
idea is that just because Iran is
sovereign, we we sit back and allow them
to do that. It's it wasn't a civil war
because one side was fighting with with
with knives, machetes, assault rifles.
The other side had spoons, wooden sp,
you know, I mean, that kind of thing,
right? It was so lopsided. It was such
an abuse and a asymmetric battle.
>> Under the Clinton administration, we
chose to not be part of the
International Criminal Court. We pulled
ourselves out of the very same
conclusion that you're talking about.
>> Yeah. But Nuremberg was not but but
there's also the ICJ. There is a UN
framework that's independent from the
ICC and the Rome treaty. So all I'm
saying is we do have international law
that addresses what nations can do to
their own people.
>> And we violated international law by by
running by attacking a head of state. So
what what is the there's no continuity.
There's no consistency. We choose to do
what we choose to do. We choose to
support what we choose to support. and
we choose to abandon what we choose to
abandon. And how how do you make sense
in a world like that? How do you predict
the future? How do you manage even
raising a family? How do you know where
you can travel? How do you decide on
investments? How do you you can't that
is a great point and I think that's the
that's a you know that's a point to be
made here is that there's an absence of
the enforcement of law internationally
and it's victor's justice and the
dominant will essentially exercise
whatever will they want. The law be
damned. Do you think this is part of
Trump's what his motivations are linked
to his personal legacy? And I say this a
lot because I think sometimes you got to
kind of follow the incentive structure,
especially of a president that can't be
reelected, who has talked a lot about
wanting to win the Nobel Peace Prize,
although he's probably never said it
directly. And you, it almost looks like
a Trump that's thinking about his legacy
ahead of time. And one's legacy is going
to be determined by like the wars you
you start, the people you take out, the
Venezuela situation, the economies seems
to be really important to him. Do you
think this is he's motivated more so by
his legacy than say someone else?
>> I do believe that we are in a position
where this is the first president we've
ever had, and I would love to be wrong.
Please disagree with me on this, but I
think this is the first president we've
ever had that's more focused on personal
legacy than professional or political
legacy. I think he's thinking about
Donald Trump and the name Trump and the
Trump fortune and the Trump future more
than he's thinking about the image of
him on children's bookmarks as a as a
president of the United States for the
rest of the existence of the United
States. I hope I'm wrong, but I don't
feel like he's motivated by country by
service. He is supposed to be
>> it's not it's not country over part or
party over country. It's brand over
country. The Trump brand. I would agree
with that. Yeah,
>> I've never heard a president talking
about, oh, I might take Greenland, might
might go to Venezuela. Um,
>> he he fancies himself a dealmaker. He
wants a Nobel Peace Prize. He he prides
himself on the number of wars that he's
he's he's u ended um conflicts that he's
solved. I think ideally he would have
wanted Iran to end up with a diplomatic
solution. He came with terms. I don't
think war was a preferred option. I he
would be much happier if there was an
agreement that, you know, allowed
everything to kind of stay in place.
Iran would abide by nuclear
restrictions, missile restrictions,
proxy restrictions and then a Trump
casino gets built in you know that would
have made him happy because yeah that is
about the personal that is about the
brand that and it's also he sees that as
benefiting the United States benefiting
uh the US's global partners in the
region so but but I think a lot of this
is personally driven I I I would agree.
>> I also find it quite fascinating that
our prime minister in the UK K Dharma is
not being asked about any of this stuff
ahead of time. I think if we go back a
couple of decades, the UK and the US
were allies. Now it seems like the US is
kind of acting as a lone force in the
world. And it's funny cuz you know I
watched Karma come out after the attacks
have happened and he clearly had no idea
what's going to happen. Same in
Venezuela. Once upon a time you would
have briefed us. The president did go to
the prime minister about I think using
Diego Garcia in other bases um and was
turned down if I'm not mistaken. Right.
That that so there was some awareness
that something was being planned and and
the prime minister said that the that
the UK government would have no part in
any of that.
>> What's going on here? What's the the
macro picture of in terms of the
declining world order that we once knew
where we had where it wasn't just United
States running around doing whatever
they liked and other people might be
briefed or asked.
I mean, I'm interested in looking at
outcome, you know, and then kind of
looking backwards at how we got there.
And I'm also very interested in how
divided America is because I really do
see it as the greatest weakness. So, you
can show strength in what just happened,
but if you are extremely vulnerable at
home, then, and I'm not talking
necessarily about Hezbollah terrorist
cells being, you know, activated, which
may or may not happen. I'm just talking
about the the clash of political parties
in the United States. And to that end, I
often look at the past and like so we're
talking about you mentioned, you know,
being friendly and having our allies and
our and I can't help but look at the
reaction of the opposing party right now
at this action for better or for worse,
but bringing up the Iraq war and talking
about how we got our allies involved. We
went to Congress and I as a historian
can't help but think, but wait a minute,
the Iraq war was built on faulty
intelligence. The Iraq war led us into a
20year
absolute misery with so many people in
this area killed and so many more
problems metastasizing as a result. And
so to to be selective about what works
and what what doesn't work is to me as
dangerous as a situation as we are in
now. And I know that's a little bit
skirting away from, you know, giving you
an answer as to why what was done was
done or whether it's a good idea or a
bad idea. It just simply is very
interesting to me because I can't help
but see, you know, being a subject
matter expert on the history of the CIA
in particular. I see these actions
where it is presidential authoritydriven
since the end of World War II. And to
me, that's what this action looks like.
So, we're in the new era where we are
in, which I find interesting, is where
the president of the United States can
essentially take what would historically
be a covert action operation. You
wouldn't even know about it. That would
be the idea. Instead,
announcing it as a military program. So,
he's merging the legal authorities of
Title 10 and Title 50. And of course,
the average person in the United States
isn't like, "Oh, wait a minute. He's
merging those authorities because What
is what are the title 10 and title 50?
>> Well, title 10 is the military must
follow certain laws of war. Okay.
>> Okay. And title 50 says if the president
decides it is a national security
threat, he can use the CIA's
paramilitary,
that is an actual mil military force.
They sheep dip tier one operators over
from the military and take the patches
off their shoulders, put them in
non-military clothing and send them out
to do military type work.
>> So he's using the military how he wants
to use them.
>> Yes. And
>> he has that right as the
commander-in-chief, as the chief
executive of the United States, the DoD
or now the DO and CIA fall under the
executive branch. They don't fall under
the legislative branch. they don't fall
under the the judicial branch. So, the
president has and always has had the
ability to take these types of actions
and write executive orders. What's so
different here is that while we're
talking about CIA and CIA being used um
by the president in his exercise of
authority, what we're all not talking
about, what we're missing is that CIA
has been gutted. This is the same
president that went to war with CIA in
his first term. CIA has gone through
massive attrition since then. They were
defunded under his first presidency. So,
Director Rackcliffe is the least used
director, the least referenced director.
You never hear about him.
>> Is he the head of the CIA?
>> He's the head of the CIA. And and what I
am concerned about is that the CIA I
left in 2014
was already missing intelligence on
Venezuela and and Iran. Since then, it's
gotten smaller. It's gotten marginalized
more. It went to it's been treated
hostily by the by the US president. And
the CIA that I had started hearing
rumors about in the early 2020s, 65% of
the intelligence that they were
producing was coming from foreign
allies.
>> They didn't have the ability to create
their own its say is that every CIA
sadly, you know, has nostalgia for the
former CIA if you look at history and
believes that their CIA was better than
the current CIA. That's just the nature
of
>> I'm not saying it was better or worse.
I'm just saying the intelligence that
the CIA is using now. I I would argue
that we keep talking about CIA and you
keep seeing CIA in the headlines and
it's actually not
>> exactly. But hang on, ODNI didn't or at
least according to, shall we say, the
New York Times, which must have come
from the White House. CIA provided the
intelligence.
So there you go.
>> Fake. I don't think that's real. I don't
think CIA here's the thing. CIA.
>> How do you think why do you based on
>> CIA is the central intelligence agency
which is by design it means that every
other intelligence that comes from every
other agency inside the DoD inside uh
the national security infrastructure has
to come through CIA only CIA produces
the final product for the president. So
therefore
>> everything is CIA and CIA contain and
CIA is the one that's in charge of
maintaining foreign relationships with
foreign intelligence services. So when
Israel has an intelligence report that
they share with the US president, it
goes through the CIA. So all credit and
all blame always goes to CIA. That
doesn't mean CIA actually had the
intelligence themselves.
>> So what who do you think had the
intelligence and why does this matter?
>> The number one most informed country in
the world on the goings on in Iran is
Israel. Tell me if I'm wrong.
>> No, I would agree with that. There's no
way the United States would have been
able to launch against Iran without
close coordination and incredible
intelligence support from Israel.
>> And I'm going to disagree.
>> Why does it matter?
>> Because it means that Israel could be
directing the activities of the US
military by the intelligence they select
to give to the president.
>> So I wouldn't take that step.
>> I don't think Israel has a monopoly on
intelligence provided. Um we know that
uh MI6 has also historically been very
active and very capable probably more so
than CIA has been and in large part
because the British government has a
embassy has diplomatic ties um has trade
and economic ties with Iran. Um and it's
and the Islamic regime has seen the UK
as a effective sort of pipeline or
conduit to the United States and has
used that in the past um sometimes you
know to to better effect than before.
But I I think that there's a I think
there's sources of intelligence that the
United States gets. And Israel is
influential, but I don't think it is the
sole influencer or the one that pushes
it over the edge one way or the other.
>> I wasn't saying that they're the sole,
but but when it came to Iran, and I
think we're saying the same thing, they
are they don't have the monopoly, but
they have the
>> they're the biggest game in town.
>> Exactly. when it comes to understanding
what's happening in Iran.
>> I mean, I'm going to disagree because I
think that, okay, look at past
situations where the United States
attempted to do a decapitation strike
and then have a regime change. You can
look at Iraq. We tried to kill Saddam
Hussein, failed, and then a disaster
blows up. Libya tried to kill Gaddafi,
fails, a disaster blows up.
Iran
tries to kill the regime or take
decapitate the regime and succeeds.
So you are you saying that you believe
that's because in the other situations
the intelligence was coming from the CIA
who didn't have such great intelligence
and in this situation the intelligence
was coming from Israel who did. No, I'm
saying that that
a big piece of the opportunity of Iran
is tied to the opportunity that was
presented to us by our allies in the
region. I don't think it's just Israel.
Saudi Arabia wants to see the end of
Iran. UAE wants to see the end of Iran.
Jordan wants to see the end of Iran.
There's multiple allies in the region
that want to see the end of Iran. But
when it came to who had the longest,
most reliable human intelligence source
network inside Iran, I don't think
anybody came even close to comparing
with with Israel.
>> And you're saying that was used
selectively, meaning
>> because all intelligence that's shared
with an ally is selective.
>> Of course,
>> I have 10 pieces. Do I give all 10
pieces to my ally or do I give just the
three pieces that I think will move them
off the X?
>> Right. Well, you had to they had to have
those 20 individuals tagged to do their
find, fix, and finishing. Period. End of
story. It couldn't have happened without
it. And I believe that the United
States, the CIA aggregates all that
intelligence, you know, sigage, all the
ins to know that. I can't imagine how
Israel knew that more than the United
States.
I just I I that's my that's where I was.
>> So, I mean, just to give you a very
quick example, right? You're 100% right
that people have to be tagged.
>> When you tag a cell phone, let's just
say we're talking about cell phones.
Cell phones give you a geo a geo
location. Every cell phone signal sends
a geo tag,
>> but only on the service network that
controls that phone. The United States
doesn't have access to most of the
service providers in the Middle East.
So, you already have to have someone to
interlocute the Middle Eastern service
provider with the West. And then on top
of that, you then have to be able to
identify that that selector, that cell
phone belongs to that person. Again, if
you think that the United States is so
powerful, it has every cell phone of
every person around the country, around
the world, they're not
>> I think there's biometric tagging that
is not necessarily electronic based.
>> So, you're saying that it I I appreciate
your point of view. The point is that
Iran, according to every prioritized
list that we have, is on the low end of
our priorities. Russia's above them.
China's above them.
Uh the cartels across Mexico are above
them. So somehow we had such refined
intelligence on
>> What's your conclusion here, Andrew?
Because I feel like there's there's a
second half of your point that's
missing. Like a conclusion that you're
you're pointing towards, but not saying.
>> Isn't it? Isn't it just the lowest of
the hanging fruits of all the ones you
mentioned? Also,
>> correct. It doesn't. So, what I'm saying
is I it doesn't make sense that we would
take this action unless we are really
just acting on the behest of our allies
for some other kind of gain, a personal
gain for the Trump brand, if you will,
some sort of uh hedgeimonyy that the
United States is desperately grasping
for because we realize that we don't
have that power and influence anymore.
And as a result of these actions and
actions like what we took in Venezuela,
we have now empowered and validated some
of the worst regimes in the world that
we've always held accountable for taking
the same kind of actions that we take.
>> And who are you concerned about as it
relates to other regimes?
>> China, Russia, this Russia.
I believe that a big part of the reason
that that Zalinsky hasn't been
assassinated by Russia is because that
would be crossing a red line. That would
that would infuriate Europe and the
United States because you don't attack
world leaders. We just gave them
permission to do so. The same thing in
Taiwan. We can ass now China has free
reign to just assassinate one person in
Taiwan. And then that's just them. We're
not even talking about Pakistan and
India. We're not talking about any of
the border disputes that are happening
anywhere else across Asia or warlords in
Africa. We just validated these these
illegal inhumane
extrajudicial processes all over the
world. So unlike these other world
leaders, Kam was his his his his
philosophy, his entire ideology was was
is built on death to America among death
to other things. You don't have other
world leaders, you don't have the
president of Taiwan saying death to
China. You don't have Zillinsky even
saying death to Russia. He might want
Putin dead, but he's not sort of he
doesn't want the demise of the entire
Russian Republic. Uh and so I think this
is where Kam stands apart where it is it
is a a a movement which became a system
of government predicated on the demise
and the destruction of of the United
States. What's interesting how do you
counter that? Yeah.
>> Interesting with the term stands apart
is I was imagining therefore a spectrum
and the minute it becomes a spectrum it
becomes somewhat subjective. So, you
know, one might say, well, we think they
wanted to hurt us. Whereas before in my
head when when I grew up, I always used
to see these wars and go, why don't they
just they know where the guy lives?
Like, I know that sounds like a
simplified, but they know where he is.
Why don't they just take him out? And
and it was always it always felt to me
that that was off the table in war. You
can't just assassinate a leader because
you don't like them or you're having a
sort of geopolitical disagreement. And
it's actually only in the last sort of
year or two that I thought, okay, maybe
it is free reign to just fly in and
snatch someone out of bed with their
wife, which is what happened in
Venezuela. and then seeing this that you
can just drop a bomb on them wherever
they are. It does kind of make you, you
know, wonder maybe this is now on the
table. I've never really seen that in my
lifetime. I mean, I know there was some
things that went on Libya and in Iraq
and so on, but to snatch a prime
minister out of bed with his wife and
fly him over with photos of I wow, this
is this is a new type of uh geopolitical
action.
>> It's what the it's what our secretary of
state is calling the golden era of the
United States. the old world is gone.
Like these are the this is the narrative
coming out and and being spread by the
representation of the free world. France
there the macaron just this morning
stated that to be free you must be
feared.
This is the world that we're creating.
Death to America. Guess how much I care
about that. Guess how much I care that a
poor broke ass far away pitily
dank country says death to America.
Guess how afraid I am of that? Zero. And
guess how afraid? Multiple people who
have led the United States have been
afraid of that. They They're not. You
can say it all you want. Doesn't matter.
And when you do when you do carry out an
attack,
>> right,
>> against the USS Cole.
For every one attack that's successful,
25 of them are thwarted. That's the
That's the benefit of being the most
powerful military in the world. You
don't have to worry about everybody who
chants in the streets. How many people
disown their kids because they say, "I
hate you." When they're teenagers, you
don't care. You're like, "Give it time.
They'll grow up. They'll be fine."
They've got to go through their
before they realize what it's like to be
grown-ups. That's what we say about our
children.
>> The other You can say the same thing
about a country that just came to power
in 1979.
They're less than a hundred years old.
What What do they know about how to
actually be a country? What do we know?
We're only 250 years old.
Um,
>> I mean it's hard it's hard to swallow
that like, you know, it's okay if you
have like a horrible, you know,
murderous, brutal regime making women
run around in hijabs and ruining entire
thousands of years old Persian
civilizations.
>> Have you been to this part of the world?
I
>> I have not been.
>> That's what they That's normal life
there. That's what do you think is
happening in the in the hermit kingdom
in North Korea? I mean, shoot, look,
Afghanistan. We left Afghanistan and
knew that that's what exactly what the
Taliban was going to do.
>> Right. But what's happening here is not
since 79 is not normal. But but just to
go back to one step for a second, who do
we know launched the missiles that
killed the Supreme Leader and all the
other um in the uh hierarchy?
>> The I think the credit is going to the
United States.
>> No, no. The credit is going to Israel.
>> So So Israel is the one that essentially
pushed the button, pulled the trigger,
what have you. The US provided the
>> Exactly. In which case then does Israel
have the prerogative to take out a head
of state that was you know essentially
the only nation state might I remind you
that came out in support of the October
7 attacks was only Iran not even North
Korea came out and said anything no one
else did absolutely said this was you
know
>> on October 8th he directed Hezbollah to
join the war
>> therefore is a fair is he a fair target
for Israel
>> that's a great question is he a
combatant
>> if if authorizes, funds, motivates,
endorses, and basically encourages and
shoves out the door your attacker. Do
you then have a right to go after them?
>> That's I think that's maybe that's the
$10,000 question here. Okay? Because
because if you are will if you're
willing to see the the leader of every
country as an as a combatant, they are
the heads of the military. The president
is the the commander-in-chief of the
military. If they are combatant, they
are a legal target. So if they're a
legal target, why is it against
international law to attack head of
state? And even more, what's the
acceptable collateral damage? Because
Israel is notorious for assassinations
around the world. It's it's what makes
them so difficult for other people to
ally with because we don't support
assassinations. And most assassinations
are not legal combatants. They're
scientists. That's a civilian. They're
experts. That's a civilian. They're
heads of industry. That's a civilian.
They're generals, but not in a hot
conflict. that makes them a
non-combatant.
>> The spaces you're talking about, the
line between civilian and someone who
works for the government or is on a
government funded weapons program or
something of that nature, those lines
are blurred in the Middle East. We know
that
>> those lines are blurred everywhere. A
civilian who works for a company that's
hired by the US military, is that person
a combatant? Okay. But it but those
distinctions are are are far more subtle
in the Middle East and especially when
you're a scientist working for a state
nuclear program
>> that you're being forced to work for
because you're one of the few scientists
that can do it.
>> I I don't know. Are they forced to work
for? I mean I mean there are there are
defectors. There are those who who who
opt and then there are those who double
down and become religious cheerleaders
supporting what the government's doing.
I mean, the point I'm making is that you
saying it doesn't give you the
international under international law
the right to take out a head of state.
What if it was self-defense?
>> That's not what it was.
>> I have a counternarrative here. Just
just to throw it out and kind of switch
up the the discussion here. You know,
this administration is very interested
in in social media. And for that reason,
I am too. And I look at I saw a meme
that was going around immediately after
this um decapitation event so quickly in
fact it made me wonder like who pushed
that out that quickly. And it's a white
sheet of paper with all the months of
the year of 2026. And January there's a
picture of Maduro.
February there's a picture of the
Mexican cartel leader. March, one day
off, there's a picture of the supreme
leader of Iran and then there's a
question mark in the other months. And
it made me think and sort of wonder
speculate, is this messaging to Putin
that he better start negotiating with
Trump?
>> Nope. Putin's a whole different beast.
What what that's a message to is the
leader of Cuba.
>> Yeah, Cuba, I was going to say, is next.
And if you follow what the United States
considers to be the four state sponsors
of terrorism, the only one that remains
after Cuba is North Korea.
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>> Why does the US care about Cuba? What's
the context there? What what does the US
want with Cuba?
>> Well, Cuba's 90 miles off the coast of
Florida for starters. So,
geographically, it's very dangerous.
Cuba was where the Soviet Union put
nuclear missiles
there, you know, almost bringing the
United States to the brink of nuclear
war during the Kennedy administration.
It's one of the only countries in the
Western Hemisphere that does not fall
under the United States's sphere of
influence.
>> I actually saw this yesterday.
>> The Cuban government is talking with us
and they're in a big deal of trouble as
you know. They have no money. They have
no anything right now, but they're
talking with us and maybe we'll have a
friendly takeover of Cuba.
>> Exactly.
>> So Trump says that maybe we'll have a
friendly takeover of Cuba and he said
that two days ago. Mhm.
>> So, Cuba's next and then North Korea.
>> Do they wouldn't North Korea have
nuclear weapons though, don't they,
Annie? So,
>> yes, they do.
>> I I I always wonder that actually does
getting to a a point where you have
nuclear weapons kind of mean the US will
leave you alone?
>> Absolutely. I think that part of all of
this is the the sort of elephant in the
room is that
you cannot, you know, the United States
will not let anyone else join the
nuclear 9.
North Korea was the last example of that
mistake during the Clinton
administration being told by the leader
of North Korea, "Oh, no, no, we're not
going to have a nuclear program." And
then him not, you know, deciding by sort
of committee and all his sage advisers
and following and talking to Congress
and all of that, we're not going to
attack North Korea. That would be
unacceptable. That was the Democratic
President Clinton's position. And as a
result, North Korea developed nuclear
weapons and now has nuclear weapons and
the nuclear weapons systems to strike
the United States and has demonstrated,
you know, a desire if provoked or
actually has said if provoked it would
do so. And so, you know, you that was
not going to happen with Iran. Certainly
not on this watch and probably not on
any watch. Is there a bit of an unspoken
rule geopolitically where if you get to
nuclear weapons, you can do whatever the
hell you want and
>> it's the ultimate deterrence.
>> Yeah, absolutely. You can't mess with
somebody who has a nuclear weapon and
you and you and you don't.
>> One of my friends was asking me this
morning whe how the situation with Iran
getting nuclear weapons is any different
from the situation with North Korea
having nuclear weapons or is it the
same?
>> Well, it's the same thing. only perhaps
were well now this regime is is it is up
we don't know what will happen with it
but having you know an esh correct me on
this pronunciation you know the idea
that the Shia idea that the sort of
apocalyptic end is not necessarily a bad
thing
>> oh the arrival of the mai and and and
that whole thing right sort of creating
the conditions for that to come about
>> yes there's a there's kind of a a
undergirling the Islamic regime's
thinking being is this idea and that's
very dangerous to the idea that we don't
want to have a nuclear war
>> though that regime is not suicidal. I I
I will sort of state that Kame was was
prepared to die for his cause but he was
not suicidal in the sense that he would
go out and sort of you know um if he
could I don't think start a nuclear war
that he knew his country was going to
get destroyed fighting. Uh that is I
think you know one distinction and I'm
not saying North Korea is suicidal but
definitely what remains of the
government there is not is not suicidal.
Um I don't think there is ideological
dieards as we saw in the founding
fathers of which Kam was the last one.
So that changes it a little bit now that
he's dead you know um there's uh the um
a philosopher Eric Hoffer he sort of
wrote that great causes start as
movements then they become businesses
then they become rackets. Okay. So,
Humeni M Humeni's movement that started
in the 70s that was the movement. It
became a business, a enterprise of which
the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps
profited immensely till it became a
racket and now we're at the racket phase
of it and the only one really left are
the racketeering leaders you know and
because the the the spiritual leaders
are now gone. Um what happens next I
think is sort of and you know we're now
in very much in unknown territory with
that. Andrew, to that point of nuclear
weapons, if Iran had already violated um
many of the things they'd said around
nuclear weapons and they I think they'd
enriched uranium to 60% roughly, they
would have theoretically continued to go
because they know that if you want the
US and other people in the region to
stay away from you, you got to get
nuclear weapons. And once you get that
to that point, then you no one's going
to mess with you.
>> So I think the assumption is that no one
will mess with you with nuclear weapons.
I don't think that that is going to be
the assumption for much longer. I think
that that Iran recognized that if it
could get a path to a deployable nuclear
capability, whether it's a rocket or
whether it's a missile or even if it's a
truck with a nuke in the trunk, they had
options. 60% enrichment, they have
options
there. I mean, with just nuclear waste,
they have options to cause real damage.
But enriched militaryra
sustainable kind of permanent state
nuclear capability is a much higher
level of enrichment than that. And
that's arguably what they have in North
Korea. Their deployability, their
capability for actually putting it on a
rocket and having the rocket hit where
it's supposed to hit and not blow up on
the launch pad is a little bit
different. And for that reason, I think
we have to take seriously the fact that
if the United States wanted to
demonstrate their power against the
nuclear capable country, they could do
it against North Korea. There's also
this concept that our current military
doctrine under Hegsth has applied that
no other president has ever applied and
no other department of defense,
Department of War has applied and that's
this idea called burden sharing.
According to the Department of War,
their doctrine now is a doctrine of
burden sharing, which means they will
force the burden of a national security
interest on American allies. An example
is they go into Iran with a small naval
force. They bomb Iran knowing very well
that Iran is going to spread the pain
across our allies in the Middle East. To
the United States Department of War,
that is us, that is our allies sharing
the burden. If they want to be our
allies, they have to do this. Same thing
is happening with Ukraine and with
Russia. If you want if Europe, if you
want to counter Russia, you must share
the burden with the United States. It
also gives the the United States now
cart blanch to go anywhere it wants with
a limited force, stir up a hornets nest,
and then let everybody else pay the
price. Well, in terms of the Middle
East, it certainly was an effective move
because, you know, all of these six
countries that Iran has now bomb, you
know, attacked in the past 48 hours are
now very angry with Iran. So, the burden
sharing has gone from kind of like this
is a fight that we're not in to this is
a fight we are in. I don't think that
anybody has taken any offensive actions
against Iran except
>> but they're not happy with it.
>> They weren't happy before.
>> No, they but the the the statements
they've put out are some of the
strongest that we've seen.
>> I mean, we've never even seen anything.
>> We've never seen the Gulf States put out
what they've basically, you know,
condemning Iran and holding it
responsible. It it's now any pretense
that there was a reproma, there was some
sort of a a coming together is is now
shattered. And and that's a setback for
whatever is left of the Islamic
Republic.
>> Huge setback. the the power that Iran
has over the Middle East is a power of
agriculture.
All of the countries that we look at,
all the oil collegiate countries can't
make their own food. Iran makes their
food. So, they've always had this weird
relationship where they disagree with
them politically. They disagree with
them religiously. They disagree with
them militarily, but they're still
allies because of food. The United
States has sanctions all over Russia,
except in one area, space. We still
cooperate with Russia. It's a carve out
because we don't want to lose their
access to the space program.
>> Do you think we're closer to nuclear war
now because of this action?
>> 100%.
>> So you you think this has moved us
closer to that?
>> 100%. And and I've got there's proof of
that all over the headlines today
because France is deploying air launch
nuclear warheads. Air launched nuclear
warheads. That means small warheads that
fit on the ends of airplane rockets.
They're deploying them all over Europe.
That means France is now taking its
nuclear arsenal and spreading it across
its European allies. The more nuclear
proliferation, the more risk of nuclear
that's just Ukraine and
>> that has nothing to do with Iran.
>> Yeah,
>> that has nothing to do with Iran. It
happened two days after Iran. It has
the threat of nuclear war comes from the
conflict in my opinion comes from the
conflict in Iran from the war in Ukraine
and comes from Russia
>> because you have an actual superpower
president who has threatened the use of
nuclear weapons. Iran doesn't have a
nuclear weapon. So it's it's not a
nuclear threat.
>> You speak a different nuclear language
than I do. Russia is launching
intercontinental ballistic missiles that
can't be intercepted. It's got the
archnik. What the hell is it going to be
afraid of? A warhead on the tip of an
airplane.
>> It's not. That's a tactical nuke. That's
a battlefield.
>> What is your point?
>> My point is that we the deployment of a
nuclear weapon
>> is nuclear war. The deployment of a
nuclear weapon. If you're talking about
>> Hang on,
>> mutually assured destruction.
>> Are you talking about the use of a
nuclear weapon or are you talking about
putting a warhead on a aircraft? No,
that's that's been technology for a long
time. Using it in the battlefield,
>> but it's not being used in the
battlefield. I agree with you a
thousand%.
>> You don't think it's being you think it
is being used in the battle?
>> No, I'm saying it's being deployed. Is
that getting us closer to nuclear war?
Yes.
>> Yes, but it's not but it's not because
of Iran.
>> It has nothing to do with Iran. And what
are you talking about being deployed?
Because in you're talking about France
maneuvering where its weaponry is.
>> That's the definition of a deployment.
>> That is well then we're talking about
it. I'm talking about nuclear use. I
mean,
the United States deploys its nuclear
forces all the time by President Trump
saying, "I'm moving our submarines,"
>> which is just talk because they're
moving anyways. It's it's the same as
it's threatening when Putin says, "I'm
moving at my nuclear or when he tests,
you know, Norway by popping up right
offside outside of their shores." Those
are maneuvers that are very dangerous. I
I absolutely agree.
>> But in this particular case, has the
even from a Russian perspective, has
this war in Iran increase the
probability that a Putin would use a
nuclear?
>> In my opinion, absolutely not. No. In my
opinion, no. In my opinion, what it does
to Putin is it makes him say,
"Wow, this president
is unpredictable." And to some to an
authoritarian
person like Putin, that's a match for
him, not someone for him to walk on. And
I think that I'm not I'm not saying
that's a great way for world diplomacy
whatsoever. It's not diplomacy. It's
just, you know, it's just strongarmming
one another. But but we are not I do not
feel at all that this situation makes us
closer to a nuclear threat whatsoever.
>> I agree. I think it's a combination of
Ukraine and China's um military
exercises and action in the South China
Sea and the whole sort of you know what
we're not seeing. There's this argument
that China's watching what's going on
with the US and Iran. Here we are
depleting our interceptors, our
munitions. is China's meanwhile
stockpiling, you know, its resources and
is does this put us at a disadvantage if
and when the day comes where China
decides to take proactive aggressive
action visav Iran? That's something to
think about and I think that then I'm
worried about the risk of nuclear war in
that instance. I don't think Iran by
itself in a vacuum is is moving the
needle on that sort of nuclear risk
meter. To your point, what this is a
boon for is the defense contractor
world, is the military-industrial
complex. Because, for example, part of
why Iran is so weak is because they've
used up so many ballistic missiles in
their conflict with Israel. I I read
today the interceptor to missile ratio
something like 25 to1 that the
interceptors needed to to to catch these
ballistic missiles that Kuwait, the UAE,
Israel is using, they're like upwards of
of 10 15 times more expensive.
>> Yes.
>> Um and and these drones are relatively
cheaply made, these shahed drones that
they're using. So, you know, there is
that aspect of it too that Iran can just
fire like a madman all these sort of um
expendable um munitions and meanwhile
we're spending three, four, five, 10
times as much to intercept them.
>> Yes. Although you do see in any kind of
conflict like this, you always see new
weapons on the battle and and that's
what happened now. And America actually
has been copying the Shahed drones,
these cheap, we call them the Lucas,
these cheap systems that can just go in
and, you know, cause havoc without
precision. And we deployed them. So I
think this was I think this was a long
time.
>> Sorry to interrupt you, Stephen.
>> Well, I think this is one of the big
questions that a lot of people are
asking, which is how long can Iran fight
for in this war? Um, and what does that
fight look like? um that here in these
jars you have I think it's the relative
amount of soldiers that each country
has. Now obviously soldiers are just
goes back to what Obama said about
horses and bayonets. They're one form of
um combat but I was quite surprised at
how big Iran's military is relative to
even the US but other um countries in
the region. I think they have the
biggest military in the region. Is that
correct?
>> So we have to separate between the IRGC
and the National Army. They serve two
different functions.
>> What are those two things? the IRGC, uh,
which Annie brought up earlier. So, the
I stands for Islamic Revolutionary Guard
Corps, not Iranian. What does that mean?
It's protecting the Islamic Revolution.
It is an ideological army that sits
outside of the main structures of power,
accountable only to the Supreme Leader.
The National Army really goes through
the office of the presidency and others
and you know, even though the Supreme
Leader has a say in it, but the the
army's job is to protect Iran's borders.
The IRGC's job is to protect the
revolution and the ideology and the
proxies and everything else that we have
come to know about Iran. So if we look
at the if we look at those if we look at
what's in the jar, we have to separate
what the national army which is only its
job is to defend the borders versus the
ideological army. I'm curious what that
would look like if we took out the
national army and are left with the
ideological force. Iran have the largest
stockpile in the Middle East of
missiles, drones, and air defenses,
possessing thousands of ballistic crews,
missiles, and kamicazi drones. This is
their primary offensive strength. Um,
and they have quite a significant
defense budget as well. But I guess the
question I'm trying to get at is like
how long can they fight for? And how
does that fight look over time? Because
I know they shot they shot hundreds and
hundreds of ballistic missiles over the
weekend. Yeah, Israel claims that in the
in the July in the June war of last
year, it it um eliminated about half of
Iran, what it believes to be Iran
stockpiles, but also batteries,
launchers, basically capability. So, if
you whatever it was, let's say they have
half of that left. Um I I've seen
statist statistics saying that really
they can't go at this rate um Iran for
more than two to three weeks before
they're completely depleted.
>> Well, there's also an interesting move
that the United States did. While we
didn't kill the Supreme Leader, what we
did do was send our B2s to take out
missile underground missile systems
which Iran has.
>> Which are the aircrafts, right?
>> No, they're underground. They actually
call them missiles.
Yes, they came from the United States.
And this is a consider considerable
damage because the two ways in which
these sort of rogue nations whether it's
North Korea or Iran work their missiles
is they have them on what are called
road mobile launchers so that they
cannot be tracked and targeted or they
bury them deeply underground. And one of
the only things that can take out those
deeply buried missile sides is a B2 and
that's what the United States sent. So,
how do you how how do you think this
plays out over the coming weeks and
months? Because at some point, yeah,
they might run out of missiles, but that
doesn't necessarily mean the war is
over. I'm presuming that the US don't
want to throw soldiers on the ground in
Iran either. So, what how like how does
this play play out and how long?
>> And and that's one of the major
strategic errors that we made in
attacking Iran. They have the benefit of
time, not us. They can choose how to
react, when to react, in what way to
react. We don't know if they have a
dirty bomb that they're finishing up in
some underground bunker right now that's
just going to sit there and wait until
American boots on the ground show up.
The fact that you guys think that that
current nuclear deployments have nothing
to do with what's going on Iran, it it's
I I want to respect that opinion, but to
me it shows just a lack of military
experience and actual strategic intent
to kill. Like when you look at how
military and intelligence operators are
trained to think, we are trained to
think through a lens of maximum damage.
>> Iran is thinking through the same window
right now. And they're watching what we
just did in Afghanistan. Don't forget,
we killed Osama bin Laden, who was an
ideological figurehead of al-Qaeda in
2011 and didn't leave Afghanistan until
2022 when we were when we gave up.
That's another 11 years of war after the
guy that we were supposed to kill to end
the war. How is Kmeni is different?
Kmeni is different. But how different? I
don't know yet. And what are we going to
do? The the new leadership in Iran,
what's it going to be? Is it going to be
a leadership that that cowtows to the
United States, that cowtows to to
Israel? Is it going to be another shadow
government like the Sha? Are we going to
place somebody else and the Iranian
people are going to love it? Or are we
leaving a vacuum that China and Russia
are going to step into? And now we're
going to we're going to see a
strengthened Iran that's strengthened by
our largest adversaries in the world.
This is the reality of what we've got to
figure out because because the whether
they launch all their rockets in the
next two weeks, that doesn't mean that's
the end of the fight. For all we know,
it's going to come back and bite us in 6
months when some Hezbollah cell lights
New York on fire. We don't know. But
when it happens, arguably, it's going to
be justified.
>> To Andrew's point, Iran can wage a war
of attrition. It's harder. A war of
attrition is basically low-level
warfare. Think of like death by a
thousand cuts, right? I'll just keep
poking at you enough to eventually wear
you down, destabilize you, weaken you.
Whereas what you can do is massive
retaliation and these big sort of, you
know, theatrical strikes. War of
attrition is basically grinding for the
long haul and wearing you down. This is
something that to to his point, Iran is
capable of doing and is probably willing
to do and sees is the only way that it
can survive this is the war of
attrition. the war. It's it's it's
whatever remnant is left.
>> It's how Russia has survived so long.
It's the war of attrition.
>> But but like I'm like who's the lead? Do
you need a leader
>> or is it just lots of different pockets
of people?
>> Time will tell and you know Hezbollah's
sort of cells around the world will tell
us what happens. But I think another way
of looking at it, I saw a a former
member of the National Security Council
commenting that like yes, cells could be
activated in America or they could just
fade away. And this is where I don't
have a crystal ball and I'm just
observing what's happening. But I do
think that the that all of this hangs on
the razor's edge of public opinion
because you know we time will tell
whether or not this regime falls whether
what you're saying if it's either or but
I don't I don't think that we I don't
think that we can know.
>> Haven't we been here before to some
degree?
>> Too many times. Too many times.
>> What is the lesson from history that
everyone seems to have forgotten
>> that we are shitty learners of history.
That's that's what the lesson is
>> to to your point of you know who the
leadership would be. Something else that
that philosopher I quoted Eric Hoffer
had said that you know mass movements
they don't need a god but they do need a
devil. So to that effect the leader
doesn't matter as much as having an
enemy does.
>> That is the so so basically so long as
we the United States or the western
world is framed as the enemy that is
enough to keep a war of attrition going
absent any figurehead or charismatic
leader. And he was a religious figure
versus just a political figure.
>> He was a religious figure
>> to your point. He was a rakateeer at the
end.
>> Yeah. I mean he was running I mean
effectively. Yeah.
>> And everyone in most people knew that.
>> Yeah. Absolutely.
>> Thousands of people have gathered in
public squares in Toronto to openly weep
and mourn his death. Roughly 20% of the
population are staunch ideological
supporters of him.
>> Yeah. 20% of 90 million. Yeah. Yeah.
>> And it's interesting because you one can
imagine that that 20% might grow
especially if the the coming months make
their lives worse in some way. They
experience I don't know poverty or
whatever else and and then you know
friends die because of this war. It
doesn't take long for narrative to turn.
And
>> so that's what everyone's been warning
about that you strike Iran. This was a
warning last June. You strike Iran,
you're going to get rally around the
flag. the people that are secularists
now are going to turn and they're going
to start supporting the regime and we're
going to set back the cause of let's say
freedom or democracy. It didn't happen.
It turns out that basically the people
in Iran blamed the regime for their own
for the misery that was that was um put
upon them. And so I think that 20% will
get even smaller as a result not just of
this. It would have gotten smaller
anyway as a result of this. I think
it'll get even smaller still because
their salvation is not at the end, you
know, of a of a of a turban or a robe.
It basically comes with the liberty and
freedom that this government, this
regime won't give them. And so that is,
I think, evident now to the 80% of
Iranians, all of whom of that mean that,
you know, 80 80% of the population is
born after 79. They don't know the old
regime. All they know is this one. And
what they know is they don't like it.
They don't like living under it. And
they want anything other than what this
is.
>> You feel differently.
>> I think that that's an overly idealistic
way of thinking about it. We failed to
convert Iraq when we took out Saddam
Hussein. We failed to to to convert
Afghanistan when we took out the
Taliban.
>> Iran is not Iraq and Afghanistan,
though. It is not.
>> I'm not saying it's the same. I'm saying
that when you when you change a
government from the top down, that
doesn't do anything for the people.
>> No one's changing it. There's no nation
building. We're not going in to do
Ragnarok.
So, what's going to build it? What's
going to change it? The people. The
people that have been slaves for
basically the last what 40, 50 years.
The people who have had no education.
The people who have been marginalized.
You think they're just going to
understand how organize themselves
incredibly educated very very highly I
mean it's it's one of the most educated
populists in the world and I have and
and they are very the the people that
are not regime supporters are very
western thinking I mean we see this we
see this in in the culture they produce
the media they produce when they go and
they speak around the world so the
populace is there the capability is
there the will is there all they need is
basically not to be you know not to be
facing the barrel of a gun
>> we are about to find out if that's true
and that is what that is what we are all
writing on right now is whether this
this intellectual minority in a
poverty-stricken economically defunct
country is going to even stay
there or whether they're going to take
their brains and their success and their
opportunities somewhere else.
>> The the diaspora and everything we're
hearing says they are the people are
cannot wait to help rebuild the country.
>> Why do you trust what you're hearing?
>> Well, his family's there, so he's
probably
wor the worst thing you can do is trust
the people that you have a personal
relationship with. They're the least
objective people that you can talk to.
>> So, who are there 80% of the population?
>> Who do you talk to?
>> Exactly. Who do you trust?
>> You can't trust anything that you're
hearing right now. You can't trust
anything that you're reading right now.
The information landscape is two to
multiply.
>> It's not paranoid. Absolutely. It is
absolutely paranoid to suggest that
everything is misinformation. one would
believe, at least I certainly believe
that I have a faculty up here to be able
to take information and try and discern
what might be information misinformation
and what isn't and then also be willing
to stand corrected. That's a very
important part of it and that goes back
to my tribal problem is once you have a
horse in the race and you become
convinced and I am hearing a little
convincedness
from you that you know then I believe
you lose your ability to be able to go
oh wow maybe I was wrong maybe this and
again I'm not condoning what the
administration did whatsoever I'm just
listening to Benjamin and saying that is
to my eye a much better source I'm a
journalist. I'm going to listen to what
people on the ground are saying there.
Certainly family members because their
opinion is going to be legitimately, you
know, heartfelt and not propagandized.
>> Again, we speak a completely different
language. When you talk to me about
opinion, heartfelt, and family, and
belief,
>> none of those are objective. None of
those are rebellions are born on those
things. By the way,
>> I agree. And and that that doesn't make
it objectively correct. It was a
rebellion that ended up in the Iran that
we just saw fall apart.
>> That was a revolution. That was a
rebellion.
>> Andrew, where does your skepticism come
from? What's it rooted in? Because you
did spend almost a decade as an
undercover spy for the United States in
the CIA. Where where is the skepticism
coming from? Why shouldn't we believe
people on the ground who are saying what
they're saying?
>> I have seen this stuff firsthand. I've
been trained in how this stuff works.
I've had to uh deploy this in in pursuit
of American goals and ambitions in the
past. And and what you're saying isn't
inaccurate
as to how people react. People be we
just trust the opinion of the people
that we we trust the opinion of the
people we trust more than we trust the
opinion of others only because it's our
opinion that they're trustworthy at all.
>> So who do you trust to get your
information from? I want to take my
information from as as far opposite
sources as possible and then see where
the information
confirms itself, where it correlates.
Because if you if you see anti-American
people saying the same thing as
anti-Iranian people, where their
messages are the same has corroboration,
the number of dead leaders, as an
example. There's that's a corroborative
point because you're hearing both the
Iranian state media say that and pro- US
western forces talk about that. But what
if it's to your point a black box and
you can't get information from the
sources you're used to getting from?
>> Well, that's it's that's exactly right.
It is a black box. So, if we know it's a
black box, we have to question every
source that comes out. Every piece of
information that comes out. What we're
seeing a lot of right now with Iran is
called circular reporting. It's one
single source of information that comes
out that gets multiplied over and over
again. We're seeing it happen in the
White House, too, because the White
House has kicked out so many
journalistic legacy media outlets. So
now one story gets multiplied over and
over again and we're seeing stuff that's
that's repeated.
>> I have to say something. I am I am a
little bit skeptical about what is true.
I'm like the furthest from ever being a
conspiracy theorist, but a little bit
skeptical of what's true because I did a
post about this subject and obviously
I've spent 15 years in social media. So
our whole business was building scaling
huge social media audiences. And what I
received in my DMs was like I've never
seen before.
>> About what?
I've heard people talking about bots for
decades and most of the time that
they're actually they're wrong. It's
something else going on with the
algorithm or maybe something they don't
like they saw so they call it a bot. I
received thousands and thousands and
thousands of DMs when I posted about
this subject matter. And some of those
accounts when you go on the page and you
look at their posting history, their
engagement, you look at certain patterns
which we've built tools before to kind
of um spot.
>> Some of these accounts aren't real. And
I I said to my friends, I was like,
"What the I posted about this
issue and then I had thousands and
thousands and thousands and thousands of
these accounts DM me encouraging me to
post more about certain things. First
time in my life ever I go, "Oh, that was
definitely it was so a
>> influence operation." Okay. So, what
were they what were these bots pushing
you to post on? I'm conscious whether I
should say or not because I don't want
to infer
>> by doing so you're
>> I'm like inferring that a particular but
I'm just saying I've never felt what I
experienced then and I have I mean every
this trailer will come out we'll see
loads of bots we have systems but this
was in my DMs it was encouraging someone
like me who has a big platform to push a
certain narrative and the the only
reason I noticed is because of the sheer
volume and then the narrative was almost
identical and I think well 1,700
different accounts of all asking me to
do the same thing.
>> So you have final control over the the
edit of this. Yeah.
>> So there's no if you don't if you don't
want what you say to get edited to get
to get aired then it'll get cut. But one
way or the other whatever you say like I
I want you to say what you saw because
>> if the narrative was anti-Iran,
>> then you were attacked by Western
forces,
>> Western bots attacking a known
Westerner. Mhm.
>> If you were if you were propped up by
pro-Iranian
cyberbots, then now you're talking about
a cyber capacity, a cyber capability in
Iran that nobody's talking about. So,
one way or the other,
>> or maybe an ally or someone else or
whatever it might be, I don't know. But
I just it made what it's my point was
that it's made me skeptical about my own
information chamber. And I'll be honest,
before I realized what was going on,
very persuasive.
>> Very persuasive. you were persuaded by
the bots before you realized they were
saying nice things to you and then
they're encouraging you to continue to
>> to push a certain narrative and it just
took it took me a second to pause and
thought actually maybe wouldn't that be
a perfect strategy in these moments to
get people who have big platforms to
just bump bond their DMs and tell them
that you know like why aren't you
standing up for us and please use your
voice to um to speak on this particular
issue and I thought actually maybe I
need I need my information from
somewhere else. Well, I think the point
that you're making, which is very
important, it has to do with, you know,
mimedics or popularity. In other words,
what we don't know the outcome of the
situation yet. We don't know if the
Hezbollah sleeper cells will be
activated. Are they waiting to see
whether what they do will be welcomed or
will be demonized? And I think that
there's an profound influence in social
media
and that is true in this administration
and and previous administrations about
the rise of pushing public opinion. I
mean that to your point that's what you
worked on at the agency or you at least
saw happen.
>> The fact is and I'm glad that you're
seeing it for yourself. You can't trust
what you see. First of all, if you're a
single language person, you only see
what's in your language. you don't see
what's in a different language. And then
we all have an echo chamber around us.
And the the the fact that we have so
much technology just amplifies our echo
chamber. Our our algorithm sees what we
see. It sees what we like. It sees what
we pause longer on than something else.
And it gives us more of that. And people
become very wealthy and very successful
understanding the behavior that people
prefer. And you give people more of what
they already prefer. And then it makes
them happier. And they don't even
realize they're sitting inside of an
echo chamber. So for all of these
reasons, I don't trust the information I
see. I don't trust information unless
multiple sources of conflicting values
and conflicting priorities and
conflicting goals where they say the
same thing. I'll give that more
credence.
>> And if you can't get those sources
because information,
>> then you can't have a conclusion.
>> So you can have a living assessment.
>> Do you not operate? If you're a foreign
policy decision maker, if you're a
president, if you're a national security
adviser, you have to give advice and
consent. You have to figure out
something. You can't say I have a lack
of evidence or I have a lack of um
opinion or lack of information and
therefore because I can't cooperate or
verify there's no ven diagram of u
overlapping views.
>> That's when you have you have to use
time as a tool. You have to use time to
to be the tool that you use to collect
more information. If you if you give up
time you give up one of your most
important tools which is what we're
giving up with this attack. We're giving
up time so that we can potentially just
fit a tal a calendar January, February,
March. Like that's why what what did we
actually gain? What how did the United
States actually tangibly benefit from
what just happened in Iran?
>> If the United States, how did we
>> if in four months from now before the
midterm elections there is new
leadership in Iran, entirely new, if
there is regime change,
>> in other words, if there is by the
president's own metrics victory. Okay.
>> Will you change your tune on this this
goal of what did we gain? What if it's
not evident right now? What if it isn't
four months?
>> I Yeah, I it's a living assessment. So,
of course, if for all for all we know,
the president's decision is going to
work out. But for all we know, it's
going to get worse. For all we know, it
won't be four months. It'll be four
years of of of a of a drought and
povertystricken and Iranians dying,
civilians dying because they can't find
food and water.
>> The 79 revolution took two years to
happen. Really began late 77. And then
you had a sort of reign of terror almost
like the you know thermodorian robes
Pierre period in early Iranian uh in the
uh early 80s where it took really four
or five years for all the dust to
settle. But but so the question is do
you want where are my results? Right?
It's only been
>> No. Where what are we gaining? What do
we even think we're going to gain? What
does what does the United States think
it's going to gain from from
decapitating the Iranian leadership?
>> Well, that that's kind of obvious based
on what the president has said. It's
that
>> on what the president has said.
>> I'm I'm just saying based on what the
president says. I'm not But if you ask
what the point was according to the
president because he's the one who
authorized the operation. It was putting
an end to Iran's nuclear program and
regime change.
>> Based off of what the president said,
the nuclear program was obliterated in
June of last year,
>> but there's attempts to reconstitute it.
They were looking to rebuild these
facilities. They have satellite footage
of this. Why are you why are you
disregarding previous narratives to
adopt the current narrative?
>> Because if I've learned nothing from 79
is that the previous narratives were
wrong. The assessments were wrong. So I
don't trust the assessments either. But
there's satellite imagery that shows,
oh, there's reconstruction happening at
um Esvahan or Natans or wherever. We can
see trucks moving. We can see buildings
coming up, right? Something is going on.
They chose to share that satellite. It's
impossible to not see. I and
>> it's impossible
to to practically say no no no no Iran
didn't want a nuclear weapon. They just
wanted to have electric power. I mean
nuclear power, you know, that's that's
not that's not really not a plausible
assessment.
>> That's what the ODNI put into their
official report.
>> How do you explain that they're going
beyond 20% enrichment? Then why are they
doing that?
>> They don't need more than 20%. So why?
So how
>> and it's Iraq. It was a racket. It is a
racket.
>> And we're talking about Tulsi Gabbard as
the head of DNA, which Exactly. Exactly.
Which is a great point because she is a
Trump supporter.
>> Silence. Well, you have not heard from
her.
>> Is are you are we not Gabbert has been a
lot of things in her career?
>> Yeah.
>> Yeah.
>> But do you think there was any risk of
Iran developing ur uranium to the point
that they could use it as a nuclear
weapon? Because if you look at the
timeline here,
>> of course,
>> um, which I'll throw up on screen, which
is just a screenshot, by 2021, they're
at a dangerous threshold. Iran begins
enriching uranium to 60% purity, which
is a short technical step away from the
90% needed for a weapon. And by 2023 to
2025, we were told that they were
theoretically weeks away from being able
to create a weapon, which is when Trump
decided to attack. You think that's
false?
>> We only know what we're being told and
what we're being told isn't even
consistent between what's publicly being
released by our own government and what
we're being told in mainstream media.
Yeah, but everybody
>> So what you think is the There's clearly
>> you have some kind of Is it false? Is it
Is it false?
>> I don't know. I don't know if it's
false.
>> Well, just look at North Korea if you
want to know if it's false. I mean, I
interviewed Bill Perry, the Secretary of
Defense, who went there and got the
guarantee and the promise from the dear
leader. There was no chance they were
going to develop a nuclear weapon.
Fingers crossed behind the back,
thermonuclear weapon. And look where we
are now. And so I think it would be
foolhardy for this administration or any
former administration to think that that
Iran wasn't doing the same thing.
>> It has every incentive to do it. If I
were Iran, I would absolutely, you know,
absolutely build one
>> because look what it did for North
Korea.
>> We're we're getting lost in the wrong
question. I I'm not trying to say that
Iran wasn't creating nuclear weapons.
I'm saying that the official stance of
the ODNI was that it was not.
>> The official stance they want you to see
to go to Right. Now we're getting now
we're getting now we're getting closer
to the same point.
>> Why would the president say something
different than what the ODNI is saying
to the public?
>> That is a failure in narrative control.
>> So there's an inconsistency there and
that's the question.
>> We agree on that. We agree.
>> We absolutely agree on that. Yeah.
>> So what do you think is actually going
on? I asked you this at the top, but
clearly you're pointing out some some
sort of ulterior motive. So I think
what's happening here is that we are
seeing an administration that doesn't
actually know how to govern and they're
they're trying to find a way to grapple
back some sense of success in the face
of overwhelming
contributing failures, economic
failures, alliance failures, power
struggles all over the world. We are we
are seeing a transition to a strong man
multi-olar world when we've only ever
lived in a unipolar world.
>> What's a strongman multipolar world?
>> It's what she was just talking about
with Putin and Russia, right? You when
you act in strong authoritarian ways and
people respect your authoritarian
behaviors by giving you safety and
giving you security, then that's
strongman diplomacy.
>> And why does that matter? What happens
next?
>> Because that's not cooperative. That
creates conflict. That creates more
opportunities for conflict, less
opportunities for communication, less
shared common interest, which is a
pathway to more what we call interstate
war, which is conflict between states
because they're not communicating,
they're not sharing, they're not even
reliant on each other. Therefore, it's
easier for war to break out. I have a
sort of pessimistic thought here which
is an alternative to the what was you
know what was hap what is happening in
Iran right now which is what would
happen what could happen and what might
happen in the United States and to your
point that where you said this
administration doesn't know how to
govern I would separate from that
whether that's true or not I would say
this administration thinks very
futuristically
about
surveillance systems and systems of
control. And you can see that with ICE
and with Homeland Security and my
concern would be that
red teaming or roundtabling all the
different blow possible blowback. Well,
what if we have Hezbollah sleeper cells,
you know, set off a dirty bomb in the
United States or do something that that
is in the eyes of some a perfect
opportunity to create more of a
surveillance state in the United States
to use biometric surveillance platforms,
ISR,
against United States citizens because
it's the only way to control
people and to to really know where the
bad guys are and that is a concern of
mine. So
>> can you can you be a bit more explicitly
clear that so you're saying that
>> well that you you in other words bio
sort of I always just look at things
because I consider weapon systems a lot
and understand where we have come from
you know nuclear weapons are the weapons
of the past
um surveillance systems are the weapons
of the present and drones what's the
weapon systems of the future I mean you
there's a serious motivation you can
just look at what happened with
anthropic and open AI in the defense
department the day before all of this
went down.
>> So, you're saying they're using this as
a way to introduce surveillance
mechanisms potentially on United States?
>> And I'm I'm not saying that per se. I'm
saying one hypothetical scenario that I
can see is red teaming a bad outcome is
not necessarily a bad outcome. Like if
there were a problem in the United
States as a result of this, we could
counter that with
legitimate reasons for more surveillance
systems. Do you think people sit around
and say that?
>> I know they do.
>> Really?
>> I mean, I don't think you can ever
forget that the Department of Homeland
Security, which by the way was like the
big issue in the United States, you
know, just a couple weeks ago, ICE, DHS,
Department of Homeland Security, for
those of the younger generation, did not
exist before 9/11. It was an absolute
byproduct of America being attacked. So
you're thinking that this Iranian
situation could give them cover to track
and surveil US citizens more. It would
create a justification.
>> I would change the word from cover to
opportunity because I do think that's
the way the systems work inside the you
know executive branch. And I think that
there is a always an extremely powerful
hidden hand that has to do with weapons
developers.
And this sets us up for a false
dichconomy. It's basically you could
have security or liberty. You can't have
both.
>> So, which one do you want?
>> You're biting your tongue there a little
bit.
>> No, he's 100% right. And and the the the
consternation that I'm feeling about
this whole situation is really tied to
the fact that we had a chance to not
exacerbate
the security situation of our planet by
just not attacking Iran. We could have
not exacerbated the security conflict
for every other country. Only Iran was
struggling with their own decision about
what they were going to do with
themselves. Now we have put dozens of
countries at risk. Active current risk,
near-term risk. There are people dead
today that would not have been dead had
we not sent bombs into Iran. There's
been property damage. There are markets
damaged. There are lifeight like
livelihoods are being damaged. There are
30,000 dead today who wouldn't have been
dead if we' done this in 1980.
>> You're never going to hear me say that I
really care that much about an Iranian
life compared to an American life.
That's just not how I roll. This is my
priority. This is my citizenship.
>> I don't I don't begrudge you of that, by
the way. I I totally and it's not that
my loyalty is elsewhere, but I'm saying
you're not saying there are people that
are dead. You're talking about the four
Americans. You're talking about Arab
citizens of the various cities.
>> Absolutely. The four Americans, but also
the Arab cities, right? And if we want
to
start counting death toll,
>> we start to lose sight of the fact that
we all have to live in a prioritized
world. It's like we talk about the
30,000 dead Iranians. We we haven't said
anything about the Palestinians that
died in Gaza, right? There's a lie. A
life is a life. Practically speaking, a
life is equal. A life is a life. It's a
tragedy to lose any human being. But you
still have to prioritize that on top of
another.
>> So, can we interchange them with the
four potential lives that were lost as a
result of the Austin shooting that
happened yesterday? Sure.
An American life that's lost is an
American life that's lost and the
priority should be on protecting
American life,
>> including protecting Americans from
themselves.
>> Absolutely. That's one thing that we're
not resourcing right now because our
resources are going somewhere else,
>> which is my point about I think, you
know, the real place to look at this is
is is surveillance in the United States.
>> Surveillance in the United States is is
100% a guaranteed future. Mass
surveillance has already happened. It
will it will just get exacerbated,
expanded, and legalized. It's already
there.
>> It's just the government has to buy
their data from your Apple phone. They
can't just pull it on their own.
>> I think it's probably worth introducing
the Anthropic PC here just because some
people won't have context. Um, in July
2025, Anthropic, who are a big AI
company, one of the biggest in the
world, the most exciting in the world,
and one of the most advanced in the
world, signed a $200 million deal to
build AI tools for US national security.
Um, in February 2026, which was last
month, the Pentagon demanded Anthropics
AI be available for all military
purposes, but Anthropic refused to allow
autonomous weapons or mass surveillance
of American citizens. This dispute
started after the US military used
Claude um in its raid to capture Claude
is a tool made by Anthropic, an AI tool
made by Anthropic. They used Claude in a
raid to capture Venezuelan President
Nichol Nicholas Maduro in January. um
which Anthropics had said violated its
terms of use. The defense secretary Pete
Hegs threatened to cancel the contract
and brand Anthropic a supply chain risk
unless it dropped its safety
restrictions and stopped telling the US
how to use Anthropics AI. And that
started a big conversation which is
raising raging online around mass
surveillance which is one of the things
anthropic said it didn't want America
using with its AI.
I mean, I think it's a convenient
narrative to position one giant AI
company as somehow moral because it went
up against the defense department and
another one not because it didn't
because like you said in there,
Anthropic was part and parcel to the
Maduro raid. So, I don't I don't believe
that corporations, certainly AI
corporations,
you know, are sitting around with a
violin for American surveillance. I just
don't I mean Americans sort of general
well-being you're not altruistic.
>> No, of course not. And I think that
narrative is dangerous.
>> There was a research piece done by
King's College in London where they ran
simulations on Cold War Star War games
using chat, Claude, and Gemini, which
are three AI tools. Each played the
leader of a nuclear armed superpower.
And in every single simulation, at least
one of the AI models escalated the
crisis by threatening to use nuclear
weapons. Claude, which is owned by
Anthropic, recommended nuclear strikes
in 64% of games, which was the highest
rate among all three of those AI models,
but stopped short of advocating for a
full strategic nuclear exchange or
nuclear war.
>> Bingo.
>> Wasn't that the plot of the war movie
War Games 1980s?
>> Bingo. I mean, that's Skynet. And so,
these are major concerns. um many of our
former generals who were heads of um you
know cyber and NSA are on the boards of
these companies. I've had conversations
with a number of them about this. I
think smart people are and and and
learned people are on are aware of like
this is an absolute cliffhanger
precipice.
>> What you doing? Uh, just making myself a
delicious coffee
>> from the freezer.
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We have finally caved in. So many of you
have asked us if we could bundle the
conversation cards with the 1% diary.
For those of you that don't know, every
single time a guest sits here with me in
the chair, they leave a question in the
diary of a CEO. and then I ask that
question to the next guest. We don't
release those questions in any
environment other than on these
incredible conversation cards. These
have become a fantastic tool for people
in relationships, people in teams, in
big corporations, and also family
members to connect with each other. With
that, we also have the 1% diary, which
is this incredible tool to change habits
in your life. So many of you have asked
if it was possible to buy both at the
same time, especially people in big
companies. So what we've done is we've
bundled them together and you can buy
both at the same time. And if you want
to drive connection and instill habit
change in your company, head to the
diary.com to inquire and our team will
be in touch. What is your most likely
scenario that would lead to a nuclear
war? Like cuz you you wrote the book on
this stuff that you know you're you're
you're the person everybody thinks of
when we think about the scenario that
nuclear war could break out. Of all the
potential routes there, which one do you
think is the most likely? I do think
that North Korea is very dangerous. I
think Putin is I would have told you
five years ago that Putin would you know
he's an int former intelligence officer.
He's familiar with history. He know he
knows better and now I would I have a
changed opinion about that. I think it's
very dangerous and I think that he you
know his use of the archeneck was sort
of like a like that that was a ballistic
missile that is capable of carrying a
nuclear warhead. There wasn't a nuclear
warhead in it. He did notify the State
Department prior to the launch of that,
you know, 30 minutes prior, but that's
like incredibly dangerous. So everything
is dangerous. Any nuclear armed nation
that, you know, threatens nuclear
weapons is dangerous, but AI is its own
extraordinary level of danger and the
article that you wrote speaks to that.
Now my understanding is currently
everybody knows that you know air quotes
and then when you learn when I learned
about the department of war anthropic AI
late at night battle over using AI in
these systems I was I was surprised.
>> Why?
>> Because I thought there was more
restraint on that and what I see in this
administration.
>> Yes. and to see sort of the the same
bravado that we do agree on is coming
out of this administration
about exerting power about um just being
able to do a decapitation strike
effectively using AI. I I go, "Wow, that
is not what I expected." The interesting
thing with Trump generally is that
he has a reputation of saying and doing
things that at one point we would have
all gone, "Oh my god." But we've almost
become so used to these things that
there's almost a desensitization to some
degree.
>> Shattering of norms they call it, right?
>> He also contradicts himself. I mean,
that's not even I mean, he's spoken on
the record about how I mean, I think he
put out a video in 2011. I might be
wrong on the date like attacking Obama
for you know and saying that he was
going to attack Iran
>> 20 in 2013. There's there's a there's a
tweet that he posted saying attacking
Iran is showing that you failed at
negotiations and you know something to
that effect.
>> So here we are talking about how
important it is to change your mind
maybe if you're not the maybe not if
you're the president of the United
States. I think the slippery slope is is
so gradual that sometimes you don't see
where you're you're heading towards. And
in terms of sort of military action and
the use of AI and all these things and
autonomous weapons, it we feel like
we're going down a slippery slope here
in a way that I haven't felt for the
other 33 years of my life as it relates
to geopolitics and war. And also
generally when you think about some of
the actions that and speeches at Davos
where the eur the US leaders were saying
to the Europeans, listen you guys are
weak now and we it was sounded to me
saying like you guys are weak. Get your
together. Figure out your energy
situation. we don't need you anymore.
Listen, we're not going to quit. We're
going to run this now. And this whole
idea of special relationship, blah blah
blah, it seems to have gone out the
window. So, you've got an emboldened
United States military and leadership
who seem to be able to do what the
they want. If you don't let us use your
AA how we wish, we'll smash your
company. We'll take away that 200
million contract and we'll cut you off
from the rest of the supply chain. And
we get used to it, you know, we hear the
head and go, "Oh, that's crazy that."
And then we kind of get desensitized
again as humans do.
>> But the direction of travel is something
sometimes what you want to look at. M
yeah
>> versus just this this sort of static
state of where we are.
>> That's the concern. I think you have hit
the nail on the head with that.
>> I agree. I think you've got I think
you've got a a much clearer picture than
most, Steve, on what's going on here.
The United States,
it has to pursue AI far more
aggressively than what what the what the
CEOs of these companies want. I actually
do believe there's quite a bit of
altruism in the CEOs and the founders of
these AIs. They didn't create these AIs
so they could be wararmongers. They
created these AIs for some techy
beautiful vision of some utopian future.
>> That's like saying Zuckerberg didn't
create Facebook for to to to cause teens
to feel bad about themselves. He created
it for way people to connect
>> for something else. Exactly. Right.
Right.
>> But look what happens.
>> That's Yeah. consequences.
>> Yeah.
>> So regardless of what the United
States's opinion is about AI, it also
has to very realistically look at how
China is developing AI. And China is
already 10x more aggressive than the
United States is. And if they crack the
code on certain types of AI like like uh
artificial general intelligence or
recursive uh recursive self-improvement,
if it breaks the code on these first,
it's an exponential head start over the
United States and all of their AI,
everything that we have some sort of
reticence about using automated or
autonomous weapons, mass surveillance,
China's already using. So the the number
one strategic priority consistently in
all documentation is China. So the
United States has to aggressively pursue
AI. It I I understand that mindset. It
is absolutely ludicrous to think that
one day an AI helps us take the leader
of Venezuela and then the next day we
claim it's a supply chain risk. That's
just that's the kind of lunacy that we
live in every day.
>> That's a good point.
>> But but the my my bottom line concern
here is that the United States used to
be the leader of the free world. We're
not a leader of the world at all. We're
adopting more autocratic behaviors
because we're seeing other countries
succeed with autocratic behaviors. And
we're abandoning Europe, which is the
only place left trying to say that
democracy still counts. Like we are we
are not leading anymore. We are
mimicking. We are reacting. We are
petulant. But we are not leading.
>> I'm still thinking about your doomsday
scenario with deathbed Vladimir Putin
and what he might do.
>> Is that like realistic?
Is it realistic? You know, it's like
from hell's heart I stab at thee. I
mean, it it it
I don't know what's realistic anymore. I
again, these norms that are shattered,
these restraints, these these guard
rails that we think, no, a leader
wouldn't do this or someone wouldn't do
that. I'm beginning to question all of
it, too. Um I don't know anymore what
what someone is or isn't capable of. And
I think humans have a discomfort with
cognitive dissonance where, you know,
holding two opposing viewpoints at once.
We've gotten I think worse at it um
evolutionary over over time and our
politicians are the worst yet or our
world leaders are are the worst at it
yet. And so that's a cause of concern
for me.
>> I always think like what has someone got
to lose and what have they got to gain?
And if you've got a couple of days left
of your life or a couple of days left in
office and you're I don't know Trump's
going to be what 83 by the time he gets
out of office or something.
>> Yeah. Why does he care if he pushes a
button and does whatever
>> at which point
you know and the same with Putin. And at
some point he's going to be old and he's
going to have a couple of, you know,
couple of weeks left in his life and
he's going to be reflecting on his
legacy and he's got nothing to lose.
Trump's got nothing to lose with there's
no second term. Well,
well, he he I watched him the other day
taking great admiration to the fact that
Zalinski can't be there can't be
elections in Ukraine because there's a
war going on. And I think he cracked a
joke saying that he would kind of like
that that if there was a US war going on
then there wouldn't be elections.
And I It sounded like a joke, but a lot
of things have sounded like jokes before
that he said. So, what is your um what
do you think happens next? And also, I I
wanted to get your take on, you know,
we've got this map here which shows
where Iran can strike with their
missiles. I've got friends in Dubai.
Never in my life did I think bombs would
be dropping on Dubai or any strikes or
drones would be happening in Dubai. And
one of my best friends was in a in the
basement in a bunker the two nights ago
because of what's going on. That whole
region has been hit. The Dubai airport
has been hit. Saudi Arabia has been hit.
Um, Bahrain's been hit. What does this
do? Qatar's been hit. What does this do
to the region? And why are Iran hitting
these places?
>> So, this is part of the burden sharing
strategy that the United States military
doctrine has put in place. And I think
to a certain extent, all of the region
already knew they were on Iran's radar.
They they've all had this weird hostile
collaborative relationship with Iran out
of necessity because Iran is the bread
basket of the Middle East. So they've
known that there's always the risk, but
I don't ever took that that particular
risk seriously.
>> Why Iran Iran doing it?
>> Yeah.
>> Why do they care about messing up Dubai
or making people in Dubai scared?
>> They are lowering the pain threshold.
The deputy foreign minister said, "We
can't strike Americans in America. We
can maybe strike Americans at their
bases in these Arab states and we can
also strike the states that are that are
hosting Americans, American civilians,
American military, American contractors,
you name it. They're all complicit and
it's lashing out because what happens is
if you make it miserable for everybody,
then United States is pressured to bring
this to an end.
>> Okay.
>> What does Iran have to lose to back to
your sort of doomsday scenario? They're
about to be destroyed anyway. What do
they have to lose? They're going to take
everyone down with them because only if
that threat is real will the United
States say, "Okay, you know what? We're
going to pause and see if we can get
back to diplomacy."
>> And it might work.
>> If the Arab states, you know, decide
that, okay, we're not going to sustain
this. We're not going to fight back. We
need this to end. United States, you
have to stop what you're doing.
>> So, we could see a lot of the conflict
actually taking place in some of these
neighboring countries, terrorist
attacks, etc.
>> It's working. It's working. It's causing
pain
>> to these sort of peripheral countries
that are not central to this conflict.
Look what the United States has done
arguably, right?
>> Yeah. And one of the unintended well
maybe intended consequences is if I turn
on the news in the UK right now, the
narrative is that this region, Dubai,
all of these places, Abu Dhabi, it's all
unsafe. And what that means is they're
showing that Sky News are going up to
families in Dubai and going, "How are
you feeling?" And they're going, "I'm
stuck. I just want to get home." And
this region have spent a lot of money
building their reputation over the last
couple of decades.
>> Their tourist economy. And this is going
to even if the the war was to stop
today, there'll be a big cohort of
people that choose not to go there on
holiday and choose not to go and
relocate there and that will
reverberate. Um, one could argue that
it's actually in, you know, this
narrative that the Middle East is
unsafe. One could argue that that's
actually in the interests of the UK and
>> it's going to drive down the price of
real estate.
>> Yeah. Yeah. and drive up our tax
receipts because we have a lot of I
think it's the biggest place that UK
taxpayers have gone to and millionaires
have gone to is this region. So, did you
have any thoughts on that?
>> No, you're not. I don't think you're
wrong. I think that there's uh whether
or not I I don't believe that Western
countries want to see death and
destruction in the Middle East. I don't
believe that. Um, I do think that when
they plan for blowback, they account for
that and they try to make the best
opportunity out of the blowback that
they already expect and that does make
sense. Um, but at the at the end of the
day, Iran has to do something to react
and it knows that it can't just send all
of its rockets at the fleet that's off
the coast of Oman because the fleet
that's off the coast of is going to be
able to intercept most of those rockets.
So if they want some kind of effective
response, the most effective response
they can have is to share the pain and
create some sort of international
resistance against what the United
States has done.
>> How long do you think this goes on for
Angie? If you had to guess,
>> if I had to guess, I would say that
there's going to be an active hot
conflict with Iran that lasts a few
weeks. Hot conflict meaning every day we
wake up and we see new rockets being
launched and new new attacks, new new
air sorties being launched. But uh but
the actual reverberations of this from
Hezbollah, from Hamas, from the Houthis,
from whatever loyal stansions still
exist in Iran, we could see that for
years. There there's no guarantee that
Iran's going to bounce back from this in
a better place. I hope it will, but hope
is not the same thing as reality. Hope
is just hope. I hope that it will, but
in the vacuum, we could see the biggest
adversaries to the United States flood
in and support Iran, like the biggest
adversaries in the world flood in and
support Afghanistan. We might see that
we have even less influence over the
region in the future than we do now.
>> Is there some an issue of the
distraction this is causing to what's
going on in Ukraine and in other parts
of the world where there was already
conflict and there was already turmoil?
Like are people now not going to pay
attention to Ukraine? So that that gives
Putin some cover to be more aggressive
there. It absolutely it emboldens every
authoritarian ruler out there because
now they've it's been it's validating to
them that they're not actually doing
anything wrong. If the president of the
United States can do it then certainly
the Putin can do it and Xiinping can do
it and and any warlord in Africa can do
it. It's certainly it's allowed
>> or on the flip side it's showing that if
you act outside of international norms
that the United States president will
not hesitate to decapitate your entire
leadership which is something maybe we
didn't think was conceivable a couple
weeks ago. So there's that inverse
message.
>> Is it conceivable that both might occur?
>> Yeah. Yes. Both can probably It sounds
to me like that might be the most likely
outcome that you're probably going to go
one of either ways. You know, China
might just say now's a good time to get
Taiwan because I mean I mean objectively
speaking people are distracted.
>> It's a perfect time for someone to try
to assassinate the president.
>> But then Cuba might say, you know,
we're going to behave.
>> Exactly. Because look what happens if we
don't.
>> What do you think, Annie, on this
subject of what happens next and what's
likely? I mean I'm
to that end I would say how fascinating
is it that what happened with Maduro in
January still shocks me 150 paramilitary
or military and intelligence officers go
in gra
sovereign leader and his wife in a
heavily fortified military base
take out his you know guardsmen who are
actually Cuban I mean there's just So
many
things to unpack in what I just said
about what just happened. And yet that's
just old news.
That and that to me is
more interesting than what might happen
in the future. Not be because I'll
I can I can try and wrap my head around
the past, but I can't predict the
future. But I am I do believe they they
correlate with one another and only
after time you know it's the old
hindsight is is is 2020 it will makes
how Iran unfolds
you know maybe we'll get the ban back
together in 5 months and have a
discussion and we'll all be wrong. I I
don't know.
>> Separate question. But do you think
Trump's going to leave office?
>> I mean the Constitution says he is.
>> Do you think he will? The Constitution
says he is.
>> But do you think he will?
>> I don't have a crystal ball.
>> Do you think he'll leave office?
>> I do.
>> Do you think he'll leave office?
>> I do. You do?
>> I have more confidence after last week's
um learning resources Supreme Court
opinion that we saw two justices who
Trump appointed who basically defied a
policy that was the signature of his of
his second term, you know, his campaign,
his his tariffs and saying that you
don't have that power.
>> I was emboldened. I I would have been
more pessimistic, but after seeing that,
I it gave me a little bit more hope that
that that there is still sort of a guard
rails and separation of powers. It's
still a thing.
>> What do you think happens next in the
region?
>> I'm with Andrew. I think 3 to four weeks
is the timeline I see for the actual
kinetic war. And then after that, um,
every one of these Iranian leaders,
whoever's left, whoever steps in and
fills a role of a whether it's a
military huna that takes over, whether
it's a symbolic supreme leader, these
are all marked men. They're all going to
be targeted for assassination. there is
no by Israel by primar but pretty much
anybody that considers um them enemies
even maybe now some of the Arab states
for that matter at the end of the day
>> uh it doesn't pay to be uh a political
or religious figure in Iran so at this
point I think what we're going to see in
the months to come is a slow fracturing
of that support and I not surprised if
we start seeing defections from the IRGC
and people just like we saw during 1979
saying you know what it's not worth it
there's nothing there's no there's no
long-term gain here because this regime
has lost any credibility domestically.
There's none left, zero. And it's losing
credibility in the region. It violated
an unspoken agreement with its Arab
neighbors that they don't directly fight
each other in this way. And its allies,
so-called allies, have abandoned it. It
has nothing left. So when you have
nothing left, what is there to fight
for? That's why, but that's going to
take a few months up to a year to play
out.
What is the most important thing that we
should have talked about that we didn't
talk about, Andrew,
>> as it relates to all of the stuff we
talked about today?
>> I think for me, what I'm always what I
always come back to is what is the
future for the average American? What
does it look like for us?
I'm not sure how this plays out. I I'm
not sure that we improved the state of
the average American very much in the
last few days. I don't know that we will
see much improvement in the next few
weeks. I don't know that we will see
much improvement in the next few years
um because of what actions we took in
Iran. But I do confirm I agree with what
the other two have said like the United
States administration has shown it's
powerful in Venezuela. It's powerful in
uh in Iran. Cuba's already being more
than whispered about as the next the
next transition in government.
How how much chaos are we going to see
to the existing world establishment
before Trump then leaves office
>> and somebody else has to come in and
pick up the mess? And I've always been
concerned not about Donald Trump, but
about who comes after Donald Trump.
>> Why? Because if Donald Trump paves the
way for this authoritarian type of shift
and if he has support through his final
days in office, then whoever comes next
will have even more legitimacy to come
in with a strong hand from the beginning
and potentially a world where only
authoritarian actions work. And that
just continues to take us down a road of
pain. I've been talking to you about
this for the better part of three years
that I believe the United I believe the
world and especially the United States
is is coming into one of its darkest
decades ever. This is the world that we
live in now. A world where it's not
unipolar, a world of AI technologies we
can't predict, of conflict that we can't
anticipate, of mass surveillance, of of
the breaking of international norms.
This is the world we are coming into
now. It's the world that our children
are going to be developed in. It's the
world that one day they will have to
create their own future in and and our
grandchildren will inherit whatever is
left of it after that. It's it's sad to
me to see that this is where we are and
unless we take some sort of
responsibility for our own future, we
will keep following this authoritarian
trend.
>> But isn't this better than the past?
>> I would say no. A unipolar world where
the United States is a supreme power as
an American, that is a better world.
>> But at least you won't die of dissentry
out in the wilderness, right?
>> Yeah. I mean, that's kind of what people
say, right? They say, "Well, babies
aren't dying anymore at child birth and,
you know, people less people are
struggling with poverty." So,
so it's a better depends what metric
you're measuring, I guess. But
on on that point of the transition after
Trump leaves, would it be worse if a
weak leader came in?
Because I'm I'm wondering, look, we know
Putin's still going to be there. We know
a lot of these other powers are still
going to be there.
Biden didn't strike me as the the
scariest guy in the world, the mo the
toughest guy in the world. Didn't strike
me as the toughest guy in the world. So,
if another figure like Biden came into
power after Trump once with that war
raging over there and with, you know,
China um thinking about Taiwan, etc. Is
that not even more dangerous?
>> I think there's a difference between a
strong leader and a strong arm. A strong
leader can chart a path, keep a vision,
make hard decisions, balance priorities,
keep people focused,
>> where a strong arm is out to win. And
Donald Trump, his entire career, he's
been the man who's out to win. Again, I
don't think this is a Trump issue. I
don't think this is a Trump problem. I
don't think Donald Trump is some villain
of the world. I just think Donald Trump
is the manifestation of how most
Americans felt at the time that they
elected him, which was like, we want to
win. And now we're realizing that two
years after the second time that we
wanted to win, there are other secondary
consequences that we hadn't considered.
And that's why so many of the kind of
groups that supported Donald Trump have
changed flavor about him. That's why his
approval rating is so low because he's
found a way to ostracize so many of the
groups that used to support him because
they didn't realize that he was more
complex than what they had originally
thought back in that November booth.
>> Annie, most important thing we should
have talked about that didn't
>> I'm going to pick up on Andrew's
thought about a strong leader versus a
strong arm because it's so important to
think about moving forward and is that
even possible? you know, yes, we
absolutely cannot have a weak leader. I
mean, look what happened with Putin
moving into Ukraine, taking Ukraine,
attacking Ukraine. And I I I think that,
you know, who wants to be president?
There's also this idea of you, you know,
you look at the records of how people
say come into office, how they how they
campaign, saying what they are, I'm
going to get rid of these dangerous
nuclear policies. I'm going they have
all kinds of optimistic ideas about
things and then something happens in
that first briefing. Something none of
us know. It's so mysterious and they
never talk about and then their policies
and their their perspective deeply
changes. And I think people move from an
idea that they can be a strong leader to
the idea that they have to be a strong
arm. And I think that's that's deeply
depressing to me. And I am an eternal
optimist. So I want to see that change.
>> Presumably they're being made aware of
the real threats that they face that the
US faces and suddenly what was I don't
know theoretical becomes very real
>> perhaps. And so the I who loves
narrative the question is what is that
narrative? And anything that is kept
absolutely secret I want to know about.
And I I no one knows that answer. No
president has ever spoken of it. So,
what is that narrative? What are they
told? It's definitely not aliens.
>> That's a conversation for another time.
>> Benjamin.
>> Um, here, right here, Taiwan. So, I've
been working on a simulation, a war game
that looks at something that's become up
in the news now. What happens if we
don't need China to invade Taiwan? We
need China to just blockade and
completely cut off 90% of the chips and
microprocessors and and um all the
things we need in this AI age into the
West. What the hell do we do under that
scenario? We don't have the
infrastructure, the capacity, the
resources to bring everything back
online that we need to to fabricate and
make these chips. Um we talked about
China a bit, but I'm really worried
about this what happens here is so
because we rely so much on that little
island. Um and we don't need it invaded,
we just need it blockaded kind of. So
what we see in the Straits of Hormuz
happening right now, 20% of the world's
oil, OPEC can increase production. It'll
take a few weeks to bring it offline,
stabilize the markets. We don't have
that luxury here, not when it comes to
the very things that powers the next
generation of warfare and diplomacy and
economic development.
>> I don't think the average person
realizes how much the West relies on
that little island.
>> 90% of our at least here in the United
States, 90% as I understand it, that
comes from from that one island. the
chips that are in our electrical
devices.
>> Why don't they just move it over here?
>> They're trying.
>> They're trying. Not They're trying,
right?
>> It takes years. It takes years to get it
cleared. It's very environmentally
damaging. The infrastructure takes time.
The expertise isn't here. All the IP
that's on that island comes from the
United States, but the actual factories
have been there and will be there.
>> I guess there'll be a big labor cost
impact as well.
>> Absolutely. regulations, all kinds of
things we have to work our way around
and figure out how and then you know
training the workers to be able to
fabricate them do it as efficiently
yield um you know results that are that
are high enough.
>> So that's your
concern.
>> Huge concern. I I I mean our
communications could shut down, our cars
could I mean so many things can go wrong
if we lose the capacity to power the
devices that we need.
>> What advice would you guys give? This is
my last question I promise. What advice
would you give to the average person?
You know, cuz we've talked theoretically
about geopolitics and the average person
sat at home can't do a lot about that.
But if you were to give advice to the
average person who's thinking about
their family, about their future, about
their work,
>> what would you say?
>> We are not helpless. It's not out of our
control, but we do have to assert our
control. There's a midterm election that
could effectively
quasi effectively block the decisions
that the president can make
unilaterally.
If
if we exercise our right to vote, we
create either a blue senate or a blue
house of representatives. Arguably, we
have demonstrated our ability to
exercise our right to vote and taken
back some semblance of control in our
country. But unfortunately, I think
people don't like waiting. They don't
like taking a seven months before they
can take an action. They want to do
something right now. And and we live in
a country in a democratic process where
we get a chance to exercise our power
every two years. So, we have to actually
show up and exercise that power.
>> What are you doing for you and your
family?
>> We're leaving the United States.
>> Why? because the United States is not
going in the direction that I believe is
the most conducive to the kind of
citizen that I want to build in my
children.
I don't want my children to grow up in a
country that is either afraid or angry.
I don't want my children to grow up in a
country that's constantly compromising
its own democratic principles. I don't
want to raise my kids in a country that
puts capitalism before all other things.
I want my children to grow up as global
citizens, to recognize that we're all
interconnected, to value every human
life. I wasn't given the privilege. I
was the perfect candidate to sit here
and tell you that American lives are
more valuable than everybody else.
That's not what I want to pass to my
children. I want my children to look at
lives around the world as valuable,
independent, individual blessings. And I
can try to teach them that, but that's
not the message that they get.
>> So, where you going to go?
>> That's for me to know. in Costa Rica.
>> I remember this one. I remember this
from
>> Absolutely. Read as much as you can
across the broadest spectrum that you
can find and have conversations about
what you think you know and what you
want to know with as many people as you
can across the broadest spectrum you
can. And don't be afraid to have a
little bit of friction like we had here
today. Mhm.
>> That that's the way it works and that's
how the mind stays fluid and flexible
and you can always realize that you're
wrong.
>> Amen. I think that's increasingly
important in an age of um
misinformation, disinformation is to be
able to have conversations like we had
today where you have an opinion but
you're open-minded to listen. And um
something that I I think is increasingly
important but increasingly rare. Um even
as a podcaster, you're kind of forced to
fit somewhere. you're pushed to be on
the right or pushed to be on the left or
pushed to believe this or pushed to
believe that. And it takes, especially
in the modern world with algorithms
hitting you every day, it takes some
restraint and thoughtfulness to try and
remain open. Um, so I love that message
and I hope for our audience that
listening, I hope that that's what they
do as well. like even if they don't like
a guest we have on the show or they have
a different of opinion, I hope you can
at least bring yourself to listen and
fight the the cognitive dissonance which
is very natural in human instinct to to
hear them out and to allow those ideas
to clash with your own to arrive at your
own conclusions. Benjamin,
>> I'm going to echo a lot of what Andy
said. Um stay curious. I think podcasts
like yours and I think others do a great
job of exposing people to different
things they didn't think of. So continue
to feed that curiosity. Um, and
cognitive dissonance is uncomfortable,
but it is a good thing because it forces
us to think of opinions that we wouldn't
otherwise. And I try to teach my
students the power of u empathy, which
basically means you don't have to like
the other side. You can hate the other
side, but just see the world as they see
it for a moment before you do.
>> So, I think empathy is critical.
>> Where do we find more of your work,
Benjamin? some
>> um I mean um for me it's it's I'm
building out ways to be able to find
more of it but um on on socials on X and
on Instagram I try to post as often as I
can and I give talks when I can. So
>> you haven't written a book yet?
>> Not yet. I'm I'm designing a simulation
platform. That's sort of my work product
but it's not available to the masses
yet.
>> And Annie,
>> where books are sold.
>> I mean you've got a lot of them but you
write fantastic books. Um any particular
one you would like people to read?
>> Start at the beginning. Okay.
Or
>> start at the end.
>> The Annie anthology.
>> I'll link them all below in the
description so people can find them. Um,
and Andrew,
>> you can find me at everydayspy.com, the
business that I own. You can find me
everywhere at as my name, Andrew
Bamante. And uh, and yeah,
>> YouTube. And you've written this great
book, Shadow Cell, which has been a
smash hit with New York Times
bestseller, wasn't it?
>> Yes, sir.
>> It was. Uh, and this is I mean, we
talked about this in our last episode,
but uh, took a long time to get this
book declassified, I believe, and get
permission from the CIA to release it.
It's a fascinating story of um
uncovering a mole within the CIA which
is fascinating. So, thank you again all
of you for getting together and
demystifying a lot of this stuff for me.
It's helped me to build my own
perspective on what's going on in the
world. And um I uh I hope we can have
you all back again soon once we figure
out what actually happens. So, thank you
so much. I appreciate a lot. Thank you.
>> YouTube have this new crazy algorithm
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This discussion provides a deep dive into the complex history and current geopolitical tensions between the United States and Iran. The panel explores the historical roots of the conflict, from the 1953 coup of Prime Minister Mossadegh to the 1979 Revolution, while analyzing the persistent failures of Western intelligence. The conversation shifts to contemporary issues, debating the strategic and ethical implications of "decapitation strikes," the controversial doctrine of "burden sharing" among allies, and the emerging role of AI in military operations and domestic surveillance.
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