Making Sense of Complexity with Kelle Dhein
1334 segments
My name
is assistant professor the school of
complex adaptive systems here Arizona
State University uh enrolled member the
DA tribe and I'm going to be talking
about my work and going through a bunch
of projects that are ongoing uh
incomplete and at various stages of
development. All right. Right. So, I'm
going to start off by introducing
myself. Then, I'm going to talk about
some of my different projects. And if
there's time at the end, I'll get into
some of my peculiar interests and some
provocations to encourage discussion.
This is me 10 years ago. I got my PhD
here at Arizona State University at the
Center for Biology and Society. And I
wanted to know what's the meaning of
meaning? But that's too broad a question
uh to do a dissertation on. So, I
narrowed it down here. into what's the
meaning of meaning in the context of
behavioral experiments aimed at
discovering physiological
mechanisms and I feel like I found some
clarity in trying to answer that
question but I still want to know more
so that's ongoing this is a little brief
map of my journey after ASU I was a
visiting graduate fellow at the
Minnesota center for philosophy of
science then I was a posttock at the
University of Kentucky and then I was a
posttock at the Santa Fe Institute
before coming back here uh and starting
in August last August
2024. And now my office is right here in
this building where the people who are
in person are sitting. It's all nearby
here in the
ECA. And uh my research at this point
basically has two main areas. One is the
history and philosophy of science.
That's what I've been doing the longest.
And then the other one is research
relevant to indigenous data sovereignty.
And I'll get into sort of what that is
later on in the talk. And the way I see
it, the sort of
connecting tissue between these two
areas of my research right now, it's
methodological and it's me using the
same methodology to clarify the meanings
of complex concepts.
So, I'm going to start out with the
history some some history and philosophy
of science stuff I have going on before
moving on to the indigenous data
sovereignty stuff.
Uh so last semester uh I collaborated
with Pedro Marquez Zacharas and Max
Stressowl on sort of coming up with
something to submit to this event that
was happening at the Minnesota Center
for Philosophy of Science called
Philosophy of Science Past, Present,
Future. And you can see that the call
was asking for people to reflect on the
current state of philosophy of science
and its history while setting an agenda
for future research. So I got thinking
about sort of philosophy of science
history and philosophy of science
and what's been happening where is it
going and where do I see myself in that
story. So just a little brief background
here for people. History of science and
philosophy of science can be separate
things. There's departments that are
just history of science. There's centers
like the Minnesota Center for Philosophy
of Science. They're just doing
philosophy of science uh at least
nominally. And what's the basic
difference between these two sort of
areas of inquiry? Historians of science
tend to make narrative arguments about
why science happened the way it did. And
they're much more likely than
philosophers to bring in contextual
factors like a scientist's biography,
their life history, how that influenced
the kind of science they did, the
technology that was available to them,
politics, economics, culture, place,
tradition, all as sort of influential
factors shaping science.
Philosophers of science
traditionally are into reconstructing
the logic of scientific practices,
scientific theories and scientific
explanations and then assessing those
theories, practices and explanations
according to sort of logical
norms. Sometimes they bring philosophy
problems to science. So for instance a
classic philosophy question is what is
the truth? What's reality? And they'll
sort of take these questions that have a
long tradition within the western
philosophical cannon, bring them to
science and sort of come up with
arguments about like well what does it
mean to say that science is getting at
reality or that it uh generates true
statements and then sometimes they bring
science to philosophy problems. So for
instance, you know, philosophers have
been uh trying to figure out what
consciousness is for a long time and
some philosophers of science will say,
you know, recent work in neuroscience,
for instance, is probably relevant to
this long-standing philosophical
question. And so they'll try to bring
empirical evidence from science to bear
on the philosophical questions. And I'm
someone who believe, you know, I do both
of them. I like doing both of them. And
I believe to do a good job at one,
you're going to have to engage in the
other to some degree. So I'm like an
integrated history and philosophy of
science
guy. Uh and so in thinking about the
history of history and philosophy of
science, uh I was looking at sort of
different trends that have happened
historically over the last 200 years or
so. And I came up with this spectrum
across which you can categorize some
things happening. And one end of the
spectrum is the stance that scientists
and philosophers are basically
indistinguishable like doing the same
kinds of stuff. And then on the other
end of the spectrum is this view that
philosophy is separate of or outside of
biology. Don't let them touch each
other. They're totally different things.
And so there's some different um styles
or movements and where they fit on the
spectrum in my opinion. And by
biological philosophy, I'm talking about
a continental European tradition, maybe
people like Shelling, where they are
looking at sort of developments in the
life sciences. They're thinking about
the theory of evolution and natural
selection, and they're like, what does
this mean
for man's place in the universe? Like
that kind of philosophizing. And then
there's historical epistemology. This is
like a mainly French tradition. You're
looking at scientific concepts.
uh and they still see, you know, look,
we're different than the scientists
we're looking at, but it's not quite as
separated as at the other end.
Philosophy of biology, I would say, you
know, that's what's happening in most
places today comes from an Angloanalytic
tradition. They're closer to seeing
themselves
as interacting with scientists and
working on problems that matter to
scientists. And then at the far end the
early 20th century organicist and
theoretical biologists uh who you know
saw themselves as scientists but were
also saying a lot of very abstract
theoretical very philosophical things
and um that's where I see myself on the
spectrum currently the kind of history
and philosophy of science I'm doing. Uh,
and then I started thinking it'd be nice
to get some kind of empirical evidence
to bear on this question of what is
going on in the history and philosophy
of science as a discipline. And so I
thought, how would I do that? And here
was the entryway. I picked a
professional academic society called
ampersand HPS stands for integrated
history and philosophy of science. So
it's a bunch of people who like me think
you got to be doing both at the same
time to do either well. Um, and they're
a pretty new organization. They had
their first meeting in 2007 and they
meet once every other year. So, they're
coming up on their 10th meeting here uh
sometime this
spring. And what I did is I collected
and read every abstract for every
presentation that's happened uh in the
first seven meetings. I wanted to do
them all, but I severely underestimated
how long this would take. Also had
trouble getting all of the abstracts.
They're not all just out there on the
internet, so I'm, you know, hounding
people to send me things.
uh but I can present some of the results
from analyzing the first seven meetings
of integrated HPS. And so one of the
things I did is I came up with a coding
system where after reading a bunch of
them I thought about what are the main
things people are doing these
presentations or at least claim to be
doing since I didn't watch the
presentations themselves just the
abstract describing
um and this is a list of things I came
up with. So one presentation can do
multiple things
simultaneously. So like programmatic
meta history and philosophy of science.
These are presentations where there's
like making arguments about how you
should do the history and philosophy of
science or a sort of H for P case
standing for history for philosophy
case. This is uh using a historical case
study from some time in the history of
science and using it to justify more
general philosophical claims usually
about how science works. So they're like
you know this is how this kind of
scientist does things. Look here's a
case that shows
it and these three are the most popular
things that historians and philosophers
of science are doing.
uh PERH concept that's there it's mostly
like a historical narrative argument but
the narrative focuses on abstract
philosophical concepts so it's sort of
like telling the history of a
concept and then P4 big was popular uh
this is sort of like history of science
is important whatever topic they're
working on is just important for its own
sake and what this really represents in
the literature is uh like the
fascination with big figures in science.
So like Isaac Newton for instance, no
one feels the need to justify getting
into the extreme minutia of anything
Isaac Newton ever did because it's just
assumed that it's going to be important
because it's new. And so there's a lot
of history and philosophy of science
that falls into that kind of category.
Hey, Kelly. Yeah. What's philosophical
cleanup? philosophical cleanup
uh is that there's some episode in the
history of science which is sort of
widely regarded as confusing or uh
messy. People like don't know what's at
stake or what's even going on. And then
the philosopher comes in is like I'm
going to clean up this situation. I'm
going to draw a bunch of distinctions
and say this is this was this this was
that. And uh you know they may not solve
the problem but they'll at least be like
here's at least a framework for thinking
clearly about what happened in this
episode because everyone's using you
know often the same word maybe in
different ways across a whole bunch of
different disciplines that study science
like a sociologist of science historian
of science trying to philosophers trying
to step back like here's the once and
for all way of thinking about what was
happening
And I haven't had a chance to turn these
into graphs yet, but this it's just the
numbers on it for different meetings. Uh
like I said, one presentation can do
multiple
things. And you know, when I talk think
about myself and what I'm up to, this is
basically what I do as a historian,
philosopher of science, the
philosophical cleanup. Uh Paul was just
asking about new historical evidence. I
like to go into the archives, find
something that people have never talked
about before and then use it as evidence
in some kind of argument. I like telling
the history of concepts and uh you know
I'm very sort of anxious that the things
I do matter to scientists. I think that
that's
important. And so an example is this
paper that I wrote. Uh it does all the
things highlighted there. That's the
style of HPS it is and I'm very happy
that uh it's my most cited paper and
almost all the citations are from insect
navigation experimentalists. So it did
make contact with scientists
predominantly. So when are HPSers
thinking
about what sort of span of dates within
the history of science? These are graphs
that are specific to each
meeting. I also compiled them into one
where you can see general trends. You
can see that uh you know the 20th
century by far the most popular time to
be thinking about
science and that's basically true for me
too. I fall into this trend. But I'm
trying to expand on both ends. I'm
trying to get closer to the present, but
I'm also trying to push back into the
late 1800s where I have my
research. What sciences are HPSers
thinking about? So again, one
presentation could be about multiple
disciplines. Uh, and the first thing to
note here is that the x-axis is
logarithmic. So, you know, it looks like
physics is ahead, but it's actually
really really far ahead. There's like
complete domination of physics in
integrated HPS.
um biology is next with half as many and
then after you know physics, biology,
chemistry, Newton just the person is the
next most popular thing. So that's what
I mean about like why the what was it P4
for H big category is so
popular and you know complexity not on
there doesn't appear but I'm going to
change that. I'm doing history and
philosophy of complex system science.
And so one of the projects I have going
on in this area is asking the question
what happened to
cybernetics. So it's one of the sort of
forerunner disciplines I would say of
complex system science and there is
consensus around that. People agree it's
also a sort of forerunner to today what
we're calling dynamical systems theory
or control theory.
uh and it sort of really made its first
splash in the public with this book
manifesto published I believe in 1948 by
the American mathematician Norbert
Weiner cybernetics or control and
communication in the animal and machine
and you can see by the subtitle that I
had sort of vaunting ambitions from the
start says a study of vital importance
to psychologists physiologists
mathematicians psychiatrists etc so
cybernetics made a lot of promises for a
lot of different areas of science but
within theh behavioral sciences, which
are what I like to think about. One of
the big promises they made was that they
were going to use newly formalized
notions of information, feedback, and
control to create a general maybe
universal theory of behavior that would
apply just as well to humans, animals,
and machines, any kind of behavioral
system. And so, this is a sort of run
through I like to go through just to
emphasize the contested nature of
cybernetics within the history of
science. So this is a encyclopedia entry
from the USSR 1956. It says,
"Cybernetics is a reactionary
pseudocience arising in the USA after
the second world war and receiving wide
dissemination in other capitalistic
countries." Here this is a quote from
one of Kennedy's top aids that he wrote
to the president. It says based on CIA
reports in October 1962, President
Kennedy's top aid wrote in an internal
memo that quote, "The all-out Soviet
commitment to cybernetics would give the
Soviets a tremendous advantage." He
warned that by 1970, the USSR may have a
radically new production technology
managed by closed loop feedback control
employing self-eing computers. If the
American negligence of cybernes
continues, he concluded, we're finished.
So this is probably familiar to a lot of
us right now. China and AI for instance
repeating itself history repeating
itself here. Also we have uh Salvador
Aend's government in Chile socialist
government. Uh he creates something
called cyersin. It's this room and it's
supposed to be a sort of central
planning and control zone for the
economy. And so it's supposed to be
hooked up to factories to keep track of
production, uh, stores to keep track of
demand and to keep all of his
people. And it was largely created by
this this crazy English guy named
Stafford Beer. He was a cybernetician
and he consulted for Aendai's government
and he got into a fight with some sort
of US government officials in print and
one of the things he says to them is
perhaps it's intolerable to sit in
Washington DC and to realize that
someone else got there first in a
Marxist country on a shoestring. As to
the horror of putting computers to work
in the service of the people, I would
sooner do it than calculate overkill,
spy on a citizen's creditworthiness, or
teach children some brand of
rectitude. Cyber sin was destroyed uh in
the next regime change in
Chile. Here we have a continental
philosopher Ponti from the phenomen
phenomenological tradition. He says in
the ideology of cybernetics, human
creations are derived from a natural
information process. It's self-conceived
on the model of human machines. If this
kind of thinking were to extend its
reign to man in history, if we were to
set out to construct man in history on
the basis of a few abstract indices,
then since man really becomes the
manipulandum he takes himself to be, we
enter into a cultural regimen where
there is neither truth nor falsity
concerning man in history into a sleep
or a nightmare from which there is no
awakening. Then here we have a
television show from the 80s called The
Greatest Thinkers. They did one episode
on cybernetics and Norbert
Weiner. It's like I don't have Oh, it's
just I also don't have audio. That's all
right. They don't say that much
specifically except that's it's going to
be a really big deal for the future.
They use the phrase complex systems in
the
episode. Where did my cursor go?
I'll skip the next one clip from here
too. But the host just concludes the
episode by saying uh cybernetics and
complex system science is the next step
in human
evolution. Here's a historian and
philosopher of science more recently
from 2010 also looking at cybernetics.
He says that it was rep it uh it stood
out in the history of science because it
it pursued a non-modern ontology that
rejected the people thinks dualism and
the detour through representational
knowledge.
Uh the English documentarian Adam Curtis
has a documentary series called All
Watched Over by Machines of Loving Grace
where he looks at cybernetics. Says that
this is the story of the rise of the
dream of the self-organizing system and
the strange machine fantasy of nature
that underpins it. And then there are
even more recent papers talking about
cybernetics leading to sort of
neoliberal capitalism.
And so to sum up here, depending on who
you ask and when you ask them,
cybernetics was something that was going
to produce a universal theory of
behavior. It was capitalist
pseudocience. It was an engine of
socialist economic planning,
dehumanizing nightmare, the next step in
human evolution, missed opportunity for
a new way of doing science, strange
machine fantasy that worked our view of
nature, harbinger of the rise of
neolithical technocrats. And so I bring
up this list here because I think you
know that these many
perspectives could also be sort of
leveled against complex system science
today and that depending on who you ask
people might have these opinions of
complex system science and and that's no
coincidence, you know, because it's
coming out of the cybernetics
movement. But if you ask most academics
today and they've heard of cybernetics,
they're likely to say that it's a failed
movement and that it's dead.
Nevertheless, many complexity scientists
continue to see the concept of
information as sort of harboring
revolutionary potential in the
behavioral
sciences that it can help us solve big
problems revolving around behavior and
decision-m. So I'm on the case trying to
find my own answer to uh you know what
was cybernetics? What did it
mean? Why does it matter to us today as
complex systems
people? And the basic framework that I
use when I do this that I'm also going
to be bringing to my other work in
indigenous data sovereignty is that
scientists do science, scientists make
claims, people use the claims to guide
their future action and the connective
tissue between these steps is
interpretation justification. Right?
Whatever the scientist does is supposed
to justify their claims and for those
claims to be able to guide action, they
need to be interpreted. And I focus on
these connecting tissues to make sense
of everything else going on in science.
And another way to show this is a here's
a a framework like capturing the way I
think about science. It's a research
program developing over time. There's an
initial state of doubt. Scientists
design an investigation uh to produce
evidence that will ameliate that state
of doubt. Sometimes they're successful
and they the results of their
investigations they say justify a new
belief. The new belief is targeted at
the initial state of doubt and then once
they have this new belief it guides
their future research in new ways and
you know causes them to have new doubts
and the process continues
on. And so this belief fixation, new
belief formation stage is usually the
only stage that's publicly accessible uh
to people because scientists make claims
in research articles or they go to
conferences and they give
presentations. And so that's the sort of
handhold I usually use to grab hold of a
problem in the history and philosophy of
science. But then I try to get at
everything surrounding that claim to
make sense of the concepts that were in
the
claim. All right? And so, as I said,
it's iterative. The process keeps going.
There's multiple research programs
happening at any given time. So, they're
running in parallel. And the claims of
one research program can influence the
future research actions of another uh
research program community. And the
reason it can do that is
because these scientists are existing in
a sort of interpretive cloud with each
other. They've received similar
training. They have similar implicit
assumptions. And so they're able to read
the research reports of their peers and
uh it gives them new ideas for research
in a way that it wouldn't for other
people. So for instance, like if my
uncle read a research paper, he's going
to have very different ideas about how
he got his future action than someone
who's working in that same scientific
discipline.
uh and I like telling big picture
narratives about these interpretive
clouds, these traditions by focusing on
the minutia of
experiments. These are some of the
favorite concepts I've been thinking
about within the context of the history
and philosophy of complex approaches to
behavior, behavior, motivation,
instinct, information, cognition. They
may seem sort of straightforward or like
you may say, "Well, I know what those
concepts mean." But I think you don't
really know what those concepts mean.
Uh, and so just for motivation and
instinct, here's a recent publication
I've come out at the end of last year
that deals with both of these concepts
in the behavioral
sciences. And just a point about why any
of this matters. So scientists, you
know, they're not born scientists. They
become scientists. And before they were
scientists, they were part of a whole
bunch of other communities and cultures.
All right? And so there's this
reciprocal relationship between broader
society and popular culture and
scientific research communities. The
ideas from one area inevitably filter
through to the other and then back
again. So the example I usually use for
this is that at one point the idea of
dopamine as an important
neurotransmitter for feeling good or
having pleasure that was just some
technical sort of niche thing happening
in a laboratory somewhere. And today the
language of dopamine hits the pervasive
in the culture. And so that's how you
know scientific work on behavior colors
how we think about ourselves, how we
think about
others. And so scientific concepts that
promise to control and predict behavior
concern everyone. I argue because
they're bound to reenter society and
color the way we deal with ourselves and
others. All right. So that a little
piece of the history and philosophy side
of the research that going on right now.
going to switch over to indigenous data
sovereignty ethics and policy. How did I
even get into this area of research?
Happened in 2001 when I became a
consulting bioethicist for the native
biodata consortium. It's the first uh
nonprofit bio bank and research
institution led
by indigenous scientists and sort of
intellectuals. And it's located on the
sovereign land of the Cheyenne River
Sue. That's also a first for an
indigenous bio bank just to be located
on sovereign indigenous land anywhere in
the United States. It's never happened
before. And so they put me on all kinds
of projects since then. In one of the
projects I was working with Morona
Vanali and Fernando Fischer and they
said, "Well, what would it look like if
you could try to wipe
away sort of like western assumptions
and philosophies and come up with a
white paper on how to do indigenous
genomics research that was based on
indigenous philosophies and cosmologies
from the
beginning. And that that was a
hard problem to think
about. Sort of put me on this direction
I'm at now where so I'm already a guy
who clarifies complex concepts. That's
what I've been trained how to do. That's
what I like doing for my historian in
Blossburg science side. And so I'm
bringing that over into the context of
indigenous data sovereignty. I'm
thinking about concepts like data. For
instance, how does something become
data?
has a lot of philosophical implications
to that question. What determines the
meaning of a
datim? Sovereignty another complex
concept rights human rights uh are sort
of invoked everywhere in the indigenous
state of sovereignty literature. So I
started thinking looking into the
history of this idea thinking how useful
is it for the goals indigenous data
sovereignty and uh so if I have time I'm
just going to get into I have projects
going on all three of these concepts
right now but I'm just going to try to
get into the data and the sovereignty
ones. So
data uh the stage of this project is
that there's a paper that's under
review. And so what I sort of note in
this paper is that proponents of
indigenous data
sovereignty they say that the concept of
data is contested. It's valuel laden.
It's philosophically complex without
ever really engaging with what an IDS
sort of view of data should look like.
So they'll say things like the concept
of data is imbued with a host of
meanings within and across contexts. To
some it is simply information while for
others is the very pulse of a
revolution or the idea of data is a
broad concept but in the context of this
chapter we define data as information
that may be recorded in various
forms. Right? And so from the sort of
philosophical perspective of trying to
answer questions like this which I
believe are sort of central to any
philosophical account of data uh
defining data in terms of information
doesn't really get you anywhere. Uh
because information has the same
philosophical ambiguities as data. It's
also you know what's the difference
between information and not information?
What makes information about anything?
These continue to be philosophically
mysterious questions.
uh and so what I want to go through is
two different views uh that sort of
offer answers to those two central
questions about what data is and what
determines its
meaning. And so here's the first one.
It's one that I don't like and I argue
against in the paper called the
correspondence view. It says data are
reflections or snapshots that
straightforwardly represent some aspect
of the work. So I have a camera and a
mirror here because that's the analogy
that data are like little mirrors or
little photographs out there and they
just like represent some aspect
of all right and so it's pretty clear
that it's this correspondence
relationship whatever it is that
determines the meaning of data. And
sometimes to articulate what this
correspondence relationship is, people
draw on mathematical ideas like
homorphism or isomorphism where they
just say things like, you know, it
preserves the structure of the world
somehow and that's why the data is about
this aspect of the world and not that
other aspect.
And so when you think about data in this
way, it leads you to ask questions like,
is our camera, our mirror, our recording
device, is it good enough to accurately
represent the way the world really
is? Are we clever enough to interpret
these reflections and representations?
Right? So on the correspondence view,
the sort of two main areas for failure
are that scientists are using faulty
measuring devices or that they're
stupid. But if if they're smart and they
have good measuring devices, then we're
off to the races and we're going to be
learning things about the
world. The other view of data um coming
out of the pragmatic tradition, let's
call it the pragmatic way. That is
something I endorse and I think that
it's a good view of data for realizing
the ends of indigenous data sovereignty.
It says things only become data when
someone uses them as evidence to support
claims or actions. So I'm drawing on the
work here of another philosopher of
science, Sabina
Leonelli. And what this view of data
does is it reintroduces human agency
into the
picture. Causes you to ask questions
like what do we want to accomplish by
quote unquote representing the world via
data? What sorts of claims are we trying
to
justify? What relations are created by
using something's data? Right? So on the
correspondence
view sort of like scientists are
innocent passengers being carried along
the line of inquiry by the
facts. The pragmatic one we foreground
scientists agency intentions and values
in the scientific
process. And so I got three reasons why
I think that this pragmatic view of data
is the best for indigenous data
sovereignty. First reason it gives a
better perspective on the future
trajectory of science which is important
for indigenous data sovereignty because
I should step back I guess I never said
what that is or defined it loosely even
uh it's a pretty recent I would call it
intellectual political movement and the
basic idea behind it is that indigenous
peoples in their history of interactions
with colonial forces uh there's a
similar story that plays out that
indigenous peoples have something that's
valuable, it gets extracted by outside
colonial forces and the indigenous
people don't get anything in return and
sometimes are hurt in return. Right? So
a lot of people are saying that you know
the next thing where this is going to
happen is data that data is like the new
oil. It's the new gold and there's going
to be a data rush on indigenous peoples
and they aren't going to get anything in
return to improve their material
conditions. in the indigenous data
sovereignty movement sort of saying we
need to to leverage this notion of
sovereignty, the idea that indigenous
peoples at least in the United States uh
have some version of
sovereignty to make sure that we benefit
from the value of our
data. All right. And so what how does
the pragmatic view of data lead to a
different view of the trajectory of
science? This is just a sort of you know
rinky dink network graph thing. It
doesn't actually represent anything
right now. But the basic idea behind
this is that the nodes are discoveries
and they're connected by edges to other
discoveries because in the process of
science discoveries make new discoveries
possible. And on the correspondence view
you have this view of science
progressing where all the data is
already out there with human independent
meanings. It's sort of like a scavenger
hunt view of science and scientists are
in the process of discovering those
meanings. So the nodes are sort of
waiting out there for scientists to
connect the dots.
uh the pragmatic view of data, there's a
lot more contingency because you have to
take into account the sort of things
scientists value because the things
scientists value determine what they're
willing to call a problem, what means
they're going to use to try and solve
the problem and then what they're
willing to accept us in a solution to
that problem.
So there's just way more nodes all of a
sudden because you know there's way more
variables basically in what's happening
in a given scientific
investigation. And when you think about
know scientific progress in this way it
leads you to ask questions like well how
many problems could people possibly
solve using the same data?
And this is just speculative but I think
humanity's capacity for generating
problems and accepting solutions is
infinite. So the problems that could be
addressed are infinite and so the
meanings of data are
infinite. Uh but the main point here is
that science could have progressed
differently and the pragmatic view of
data really underscores that
contingency. it can still progress
differently. And the indigenous data
sovereignty movement needs institutions
that can bend scientific progress
towards its own goals. And another way
of saying that is that they need
institutions that are going to support a
tradition of biological inquiry as
guided by indigenous values and concerns
when it comes to these moments of
identifying problems, picking methods
and accepting
solutions. Uh and the native biodata
consortium is such an institution. you
know as a bio bank they preserve data
for future use they create and enforce
rules about who can use the data and
they selectively facilitate the use of
that data. So another way of saying that
under the pragmatic view here is that
they're investing in the future meanings
of data which are unknown because we
don't know what uses people will come up
with for them. Uh they're controlling
the current meanings of data by
controlling how they're used
now. And then another question all comes
up here is well
how ought
they control current uses of
data. And this is the second way that I
think the pragmatic view of data is
going to help indigenous data
sovereignty. It provides a more
penetrating vision of science that's fit
for indigenous judgment. When for
instance if you're the native biodata
consortium and you have to make a
decision, oh this group wants to use
this data for this purpose. thumbs up or
thumbs down to put it in a very
simplified
way. So, here's an example that uh I
made up so it would be clean, but it's
very similar to things that have
actually happened. We got a plant
varietal here with droughtresistant
traits found only on sovereign
indigenous lands, outsider scientists,
uh and they want to study the plant,
right, for this trait. So, they're going
to need to extract this biodata off the
indigenous communities land. And what
narrative is the scientists going to use
to justify that extraction to their
funders, to the indigenous community, to
themselves? Say something trying to
understand the genetic basis of drought
resistant
traits. Why? To help solve problems of
global warming, right? There could be
famine in the future with global
warming. And understanding the genetics
behind drought resistance and
agricultural crops could be really
important for feeding people and
preventing famines in the future.
And so these twin goals are sort of like
forever being claimed by scientists.
They want to understand the world and
they want to improve the
world. You might say something here
like, you know, it just happens to be
the case that this plant on indigenous
lands is part of the solution to a
humanitywide problem. I wish it wasn't
like this. Everything's messed up. But
this is the situation we're in now.
And the indigenous community is put in a
situation where it's like you can either
stand in the way of progress that's
going to help everyone or you can be
selfish and like not let someone study
this
plant, right? But when you take the
pragmatic view of data, it sort of
changes this phrasing. You're forced to
say, well, I want to use this plant on
indigenous lands as part of the solution
to a humanitywide problem. And that I
want opens the door to a series of
further
questionings
that puncture the veil of these
generically virtuous goals. So I'm not
arguing here that scientists are
dishonest about wanting to understand
the world and improve the world, but the
these are just sort of too vague to
really be inputs for good decision
making about whether a scientist should
be able to do something with data.
So for instance, I think understanding
is a fake goal. Uh and you know to see
how it's a fake goal, just think
about you know how will you answer a
question about how do we know when the
thing is understood? How will the
scientist demonstrate that they've
achieved their goal of understanding?
And the answer to this question is
always going to come down in my opinion
to the scientist's ability to do
something relevant to the thing they're
trying to understand. Right. So in this
case with the plant it's probably
something like the scientists can claim
they understand the base gen basis of
droughtresistant traits when they're
able to manipulate that trait by
manipulating something about sort of the
genetics of
plants and that's an actual specific
goal right it's not just I'm trying to
understand the world now we're talking
about things the scientist is actually
trying to
do similar for improving the world you
know start to think well you know what's
it actually within a scientist power to
do. So they don't legislate trade
agreements, they don't marshall the
forces of industrial agriculture,
uh they don't control supply chains. So
to say that they have this goal of, you
know, stopping famines in the future,
it's sort of like a tire manufacturer
saying they have the goal of building a
luxury automobile. It's like what you do
might be necessary for that, but it's
far from
sufficient. So third reason, this is uh
the shortest one here. I think that the
pragmatic view of data is more in line
with certain at least North American
indigenous philosophies. And in so far
as indigenous data sovereignty is about
indigenous peoples using their own ways
of knowing, their own cosmologies to
inform the way they control the use of
their data. I think it's important to
try to get at that somehow, which was
the project that originally put me on
this path. Remember, was trying to come
up with this white paper that's based on
indigenous philosophy.
And uh I haven't explored this that much
yet, but the basic idea here is just
that the pragmatic way of thinking about
data really emphasizes
relationships and so does a lot of
indigenous philosophy especially when it
comes to the the task of defining things
which is always very important to
philosophers. And so indigenous
philosophies uh that I've been looking
at in southwest of America are often
going to define things in terms of its
relationship to other things. So for
instance, you know, I have the medicine
wheel here because that's often used as
a I don't know, visual metaphor for this
way of thinking. But to be a person, you
know, it depends on your relationship to
things like other people, the place
you're in, your own thoughts, your own
body. And you can contrast that with a
more traditional western way of defining
things. Got Aristotle here as a
representative of it. And that's of
defining something in terms of necessary
and sufficient properties or conditions
for the realization of that thing. And
so on this way of defining things, you
know, things possess properties. And so
to be a person, you have to be a kind of
thing that possesses certain essential
properties such as maybe a rational
thought being five people. I don't know.
Different people come up with different
lists. All right. So that's the end of
the data one. What about this concept of
sovereignty? This one is even newer in
the developmental stage of research. I'm
just trying to write some grant proposal
about it right now. Going to be
collaborating with Trevor Reed. He's a
law professor here at Arizona State
University, a member of the Hopi tribe,
has a PhD in ethnomusicology as well as
a JD focusing on federal Indian law. And
all of that's relevant to the way that I
want to get at this question of like
what would it mean to clarify indigenous
notions of
sovereignty. So just some notes here uh
to foreground this problem. Sovereignty
it's not just one concept. There's many
different concepts of sovereignty just
within the western European political
tradition. And these concepts don't
stand alone. They sort of travel in
packs with related ideas like uh views
of human nature, views of nationhood,
views of human rights, ideas of
individual and collective freedom.
And so different sovereignty concepts
support different visions for how
humanity ought to organize itself and
make decisions as a corporate
entity. And the question I'm asking and
pursuing here is well how do we clarify
indigenous conceptions of sovereignty?
And there's really, you know, some major
philosophical problems sort of
uh waiting to jump out at anyone just
even within the the way I'm phrasing
this uh research aim. And so one of the
big problems is just a general issue of
comparing concepts. So here we got two
things, not concepts. We got a screw and
a banana. And we can compare them
because we can characterize them in
terms that sort of apply to both that
are appropriate for both. So like
hardness, right? How hard is the banana?
How hard is the screw? The idea of
hardness, the
operations we perform to assess hardness
are the connecting bridge that make the
comparison between a screw and a banana
puzzle. Same with something like taste,
color, etc.
But there's no consensus way to
characterize concepts. Uh different
philosophical traditions have like
radically different ways of doing this.
And so as a result, it's like unclear
how to compare concepts. For instance,
the concept of a screw and the concept
of a banana because the concept of a
banana isn't yellow. It doesn't taste
like a banana, right? It doesn't have
these sort of properties that make
comparison possible.
And my solution to this problem right
now uh is that I believe that every
concept has a pragmatic dimension which
I is a way of saying that all across
time and space people use concepts to do
things for reasons. I think that's
general enough to apply. I'm not making
too many prior assumptions uh when I say
something like that. And so the
different variables and factors
surrounding a person using a concept to
do a thing for a reason can provide the
sort of connected bridge that will make
comparison
possible. So this is my visual example
try to get at this right now. Like we
can compare these
things via the framework of problems and
uses because in this case, you know,
they can both be used to attach two
pieces of wood. And so we can start to
talk about, well, this one's better than
that one in terms of attaching two
pieces of wood because it attaches them
in this way.
And so with the this problem I'm trying
to get at indigenous conceptions of
sovereignty, we have the issue that like
right from the outset uh sovereignty is
a western concept. And so you don't want
to assume that there's going to be some
concept in indigenous philosophies and
cosmologies that corresponds to
sovereignty in a straightforward way.
And this pragmatic dimension of concept
solution helps us get around this issue
because we can reframe it. It's not it's
no longer a research program about
indigenous conceptions of sovereignty.
It's about this problem or use frame of
reference of how to organize human
collectives which again I think is a
problem
that's universal across time and space
with our species that we live in groups.
Uh figuring out how to do that isn't
obvious. And so I think any group of
people is going to have developed
conceptual tools for confronting this
issue of how do we organize ourselves
and make collective decisions. And so
then the question is within the
indigenous philosophy cosmology, what
set of concepts have been developed for
addressing this
problem? And then furthermore, I think
it's super useful when two different
philosophical conceptual systems come
into conflict. And I know this through
my work as a historian and philosopher
of science that scientific debates are
some of the most enlightening episodes
for philosophers and historians because
scientists are forced to sort of make
their assumptions more explicit and they
attack each other's weak points and they
emphasize their own strengths. And so
it's sort of like opening a window into
the conceptual workings of science that
usually remains closed. And I want to
take advantage of conflict in the same
way with this project.
So, you know, whereas a lot of times
with a project like this, people
would endeavor to get rid of all
colonial influence to try to recover
like an untouched philosophical state in
indigenous peoples. I'm trying to sort
of flip that on its head and leverage
what I was just talking about with
conflict between systems as well as the
well doumented textbased nature of legal
conflicts. So, I'm going to use legal
conflicts as the sort of handhold to
grab onto, just like I use scientific
claims from research reports as the
initial thing I grab onto. And then I
look at everything surrounding that to
make sense of what was happening there.
And so, I think, you know, indigenous
peoples had concepts that they used to
address the problem of how to organize
themselves, how to make collective
decisions prior to contact. And no doubt
those influences
uh were present in the way that
indigenous peoples sort of made
arguments in the western court context
uh which were often about sovereignty
and ownership of property. And then I
want to look at sort of how the
different ways they confront these
concepts play out historically. I'm
still working on the details of this. I
just put this here so you can see the
sort of connection here and how I'm
trying to bring the methodology from the
history and philosophy of science into
this new
area. All right. Uh so I just got 10
minutes. I'll zoom through this and it's
short. Just peculiar interest
provocations. I like adobe building. I
would like to incorporate that into my
work eventually somehow. I like
hydraulic models of neurohysiology. I
think it's a really interesting way of
thinking about brains and behavior. uh
it still invokes this idea of a
representation but it does it in a non
digital computer way which is the norm
currently I think to think about like
discrete variables that computers have
or a circuit board these are more like
analog computers and I like when
scientists use this model of thinking uh
when they investigate brains and
behavior I like puppets I was once
making a uh
online series of classes about the
history and philosophy of animal
behavior research. I was using puppets,
but I underestimated how long it would
take me to write the scripts and just
get all the resources together. Like, I
had voice actors with the puppets. But
I'm teaching a new class next semester
here, history and philosophy of complex
system science. And maybe I'll find a
way to get the puppets involved. It's a
New Mexican fences. There's something
going on here.
uh huge amount of variety and diversity,
more than I've seen in any other state
in the US. And it's not just poverty,
which I think a lot of people probably
jump to, that they're just using
whatever materials are at
hand. Very interesting. I got a whole
collection of photos of New Mexico
fences. And then something I've been
doing lately, just
ending my presentation with a list of
provocations to get the audience going
and asking some questions. Golf instinct
concepts are unfairly maligned. Learning
is overhyped. Brains are not obviously
just computers manipulated symbols
repetition to sort of constrain the
scientific imagination just as much as
it pathways for
investigation. I think meaning is
determined by use. Probably know what I
mean by that now since I keep endorsing
pragmatic approaches to problems of
meaning.
As a result of adopting the pragmatic
view, I think desire, purpose, and drive
are the most mysterious ingredients of
meaning. Things correspondent theories
of truth are European
mysticism. Behavior is the only solid
foundation for theorizing about brains
and minds. Human rights are fake and
insidiously undermining the indigenous
data sovereignty movement. I didn't get
into that this presentation. And the
trajectory of scientific progress is
extremely contingent, more so than is
commonly appreciated.
I don't think that last one's a
provocation. Thank you.
Ask follow-up questions or revisit key timestamps.
The speaker, an assistant professor at Arizona State University and an enrolled member of the DA tribe, discusses his ongoing research in two primary areas: the history and philosophy of science (HPS) and indigenous data sovereignty (IDS). He highlights that a common methodological thread connects these areas: clarifying the meanings of complex concepts. In HPS, he presents an analysis of the integrated HPS society, noting the dominance of 20th-century physics research and a project investigating the contested history and promises of cybernetics as a forerunner to complex systems science. For IDS, his work, inspired by his role as a bioethicist for the Native Biodata Consortium, focuses on concepts like 'data' and 'sovereignty'. He advocates for a pragmatic view of data, where something becomes data through its use as evidence, arguing it better aligns with indigenous values and decision-making for managing data. For 'sovereignty', he proposes a pragmatic approach to compare indigenous and Western concepts by focusing on how they address the universal problem of organizing human collectives, utilizing legal conflicts as a basis for analysis. He concludes with some peculiar personal interests and intellectual provocations.
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