Weaponization Fund Challenge & SBF's Appeal Fails | Bloomberg Law
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This is Bloomberg Law with June Grao
from Bloomberg Radio.
>> President Trump's $ 1.8 billion fund for
alleged victims of political
weaponization faced rare push back from
Republicans as well as from Democrats
who slammed the proposal as a slush fund
for the president's allies and
supporters. Acting Attorney General Todd
Blanch testified on Capitol Hill two
weeks ago that the fund would not go
forward while at the same time
describing its importance.
>> The reasons for the fund is something
that President Trump talked about for a
long time um which is the the fact that
there were a lot of people in this
country who had their government
weaponized against them. Um the reasons
for the fund I think were were were it
remain as important as they were before
but um we are not moving forward with
the fund
>> and President Trump has continued to
express support for the fund.
>> Excuse me, Mr. President. Just to
clarify on what you were asked earlier,
is the $ 1.8 billion DOJ fund dead or is
it on hold?
>> It's uh I'd have to ask the lawyers. I
don't know. I know one thing, the
weaponization. Are you talking about the
weaponization?
>> Yeah. What's your decision? the
weaponization fund uh as far as I'm
concerned was a beautiful thing.
>> Well, a federal judge in Virginia used
Trump's own words against the government
in ruling that a lawsuit challenging the
fund can go forward. Judge Leone Brinkma
rejected the government's arguments that
Blanch's public statements that the plan
was dropped were enough confirmation.
She gave the government one week to
submit a written sworn statement signed
by Blanch and Treasury Secretary Scott
Bessant declaring that the fund will not
be pursued. My guest is Amy Powell,
litigation director at Lawyers for Good
Government and a former senior trial
council at the Justice Department. Amy,
explain why Judge Brinkma issued a
preliminary injunction and didn't accept
the government's arguments that the case
was moot. Now,
>> she needed evidence. She needed the
government to develop a record as to the
fact the fund isn't going forward if
it's really not going forward in any
way, shape, or form. It's frankly
bizarre that the government filed
insisting that the case was moved based
on the acting attorney general's unsworn
and equivocal statements on the subject.
>> There are five lawsuits challenging the
fund, I believe. Who's bringing this
particular lawsuit? One of them is a
former federal prosecutor. Some are
nonprofits who feel like they might be
targeted as a result of the operation of
the weaponization fund if it were likely
to go forward. And they're represented,
I believe, by Democracy Forward in that
case. They are people who feel like they
would be harmed by the operation of the
fund. Now, it's going to be an uphill
battle for any of these plaintiffs to
prove that they individually would be
injured by the operation of the fund if
it went forward. But they made as
compelling a case as possible when the
government came in and insisted it's all
moot that the weaponization fund isn't
going forward despite the existence of
an unrescended apparently attorney
general order creating the fund and a
settlement agreement that as far as I
know the government still insists is
valid.
>> I mean the standards for getting a
preliminary injunction are pretty high.
Did the judge find that the plaintiffs
or some of the plaintiffs had standing?
>> No. As far as I know, the court has not
ruled on that. Decided to turn first to
this question of mooteness. She hasn't
ruled on the merits of the underlying
claim, but she has strongly suggested
that if the government could produce
this declaration that says more or less
what she suggested it needs to say, that
the case would be new. Candidly, I think
that is a bit of a stretch. If the
government does produce a declaration
that says the weaponization fund is not
going forward in any way, shape or form,
unless the government gives a reason as
to why, the reason for that is that if
these plaintiffs have standing, which
she seemed to assume in her order,
proving mootess is an uphill battle for
the government. They have to do more
than just change their conduct. It's a
settled matter of law. It's what we call
the voluntary cessation doctrine that
when one party voluntarily changes its
conduct, that's not enough to get rid of
a lawsuit as moot because they could
simply change their conduct back. So a
declaration that says we changed our
conduct might not be good enough unless
it explains why and offers some sort of
commitment.
>> And just explain why this weaponization
fund is considered illegal by most
experts.
>> Well, there's a lot going on in the
weaponization fund, right? So the
lawsuit that it purported to settle was
a lawsuit brought by Donald Trump, some
of his family members and associates
against the IRS for leaking his tax
returns. And it also purported to settle
two other matters which were pending as
administrative claims. So someone had
gone to the agency and said, "You
wronged me." Those claims were brought
by Donald Trump personally, I think
against the Justice Department, but
against the US government for alleged
misconduct related to the classified
documents case and related to the Russia
investigation. Now, those underlying
administrative claims, first of all, are
plainly meritless, near frivolous. I
know less about the leak of the tax
returns. It's possible there is some
something there. But what you don't do
is settle a case, even if it were of
some marginal validity. You don't settle
it by signing over that huge amount of
money to third parties. The
weaponization fund seems like a fairly
transparent attempt to reward the
president's supporters even if in fact
because of their engagement in
misconduct and illegal activity. And
when he testified to Congress, Blanch
said that the part of the agreement
banning the government from ever
prosecuting any IRS claims against
Trump, his family or his businesses.
That part is still in place.
>> He did say that and I find that
particular document to be a puzzle if
not shocking. First, as an additional
matter, it's not entirely clear to me
that it is part of the settlement
agreement. When DOJ announced the
settlement agreement, included the
agreement itself and the attorney
general order that creates the
weaponization fund, nothing in the
agreement itself mentions a waiver for
Trump and his family of tax returns or
anything else. In fact, it only purports
to resolve the pending Trump lawsuits.
But don't actually think that waiver
document is legitimately considered part
of the settlement because it's not
actually mentioned in the settlement
itself. was published as a separate
document a day later, signed by someone
else, not signed by the Treasury
Department, is wildly inconsistent with
certainly normal DOJ policy or practice
in this area.
>> And is that waiver before Judge Brinkma
in this case?
>> I don't think it does because it was
focused on the weaponization fund and
the creation of that fund, how it harms
this particular group of plaintiffs. I
don't think they asserted any claims
related to the waiver language itself.
>> Yeah, it just seems like that's being
ignored
>> and it's it's egregiously over broad,
right? It's not just tax audit. It says
any matter currently pending or that
could be brought by any federal agency.
Like if some Trump grandchild has a
pending parking ticket from a national
park ranger, like that is wiped out by
this. I cannot imagine that they
followed any proper procedures or got
consent from the relevant agencies or
that such a settlement could ever be
justified.
>> So now another judge, a DC federal
judge, Richard Leon, last week denied a
request for an order blocking the fund,
saying he wasn't persuaded that there
was a live controversy based on the
government's representations. But he
also issued a warning to the Justice
Department during the proceedings.
Quote, "Don't play possum with this
court."
>> I don't necessarily agree with Judge
Leon's decision, but I imagine the
skepticism you just quoted, you know,
based on experience with the federal
government recently in court cases and
also just based on the somewhat bizarre
posture here where the government is
insisting it's moot but has refused to
put in any competent evidence to show
it. And also Miami judge is responding
to I don't know whether it was a letter
or what from a group of federal judges
saying that this was a fraud on the
court.
>> Yes. That's fascinating. That is the
original case right that was brought by
the Trumps against the government. The
Trumps dismissed it with prejudice upon
reaching a settlement agreement with the
federal government. The court dismissed
it. Well, the the court I don't even
know that she had an option at that
point, but assumed the dismissal was
valid. She was not asked to evaluate any
settlement, but a group of federal
judges filed, I think they filed it as
an amicus motion to reopen the case
because the dismissal was part of a
fraud and that the court was being used
in perpetrating a fraud, which we're in
uncharted territory here. I'm reluctant
to opine on the merits of the motion or
what the court should do in the
situation, but I think what the court
has done in reopening the case and
asking for briefing is indicative that
she's very troubled.
>> There are indications that people in the
Trump administration are looking for
other ways to compensate these people
they claim were victimized. These people
they claim were victimized by the Biden
administration.
Lindsey Graham, Republican Senator
Lindsey Graham in a social media post
backed the idea of pursuing payouts
through the federal tort claims act. And
then Stanley Woodward, the third top
official at the Justice Department,
responded with quote, "We're working on
it." That post was deleted. But that's
another way for them to compensate these
people, right?
>> Yes. That clearly appears to be their
strategy, and they've done it before,
right? They made giant payouts under
federal tort claim act and similarly
styled cases. Mike Flynn and Carter
Page, I assume there are others as well.
Those were just the headline ones. But
people who clearly weren't entitled to
any payout from the federal government
under the federal claims act received
enormous payouts. And I assume they're
imagining they can do something based on
individualized administrative claims by
others as well. It's possible that the
weaponization fund was an attempt to
bypass the normal Department of Justice
machinery that would have attorneys look
at and opine on such claims. It didn't
stop the payouts to Mike Flynn as far as
I know. So, uh it is possible it will be
a viable avenue for them for other
claimants as well.
>> So, you mentioned Michael Flynn and
Carter Page. The Justice Department made
separate $1.25 $25 million settlements
in two lawsuits they filed. Other
agreements included $4 million to FBI
employees who claim political
retaliation under Biden. The DOJ agreed
to pay half a million dollars to cover
the attorney's fees of individuals who
were part of a litigation accusing the
Biden administration of
unconstitutionally coercing social media
platforms into taking down posts about
the COVID pandemic and the 2020
election. And Amy, the Justice
Department decides itself whether to pay
these off. There's no second opinion.
And there's no approval from a judge.
>> That's correct. That's how they work.
And you know, the Justice Department has
had in the past a pretty robust process
for evaluating those. The agency looks
at them, Department of Justice looks at
them as all enshrined in regulation. Uh
if anything, they historically have been
very protective of the taxpayer fisk. So
even when somebody has a valid claim,
frequently the justice department will
push back against overp payments and
evaluate the litigation risk. It's a
pretty serious process or has been
historically. I don't know whether it's
being bypassed or ignored or it's just
controlled by political officials at
this point. No idea.
>> It certainly seems like from the claims
that have been granted there is a lot of
politics involved in this. Thanks so
much for joining me on the show, Amy.
That's Amy Powell, litigation director
at Lawyers for Good Government.
President Trump's approval for Nvidia to
sell chips to some customers in China
has potentially derailed a major AI
smuggling prosecution nearing trial.
lawyers for one of the two businessmen
indicted for evading export control laws
by transporting $ 160 million. Nvidia's
powerful generative AI accelerating H100
and H200 processors have argued that
further information on Trump's
deliberations with Nvidia and China may
prove their clients innocence. In an
unusual decision, a Houston federal
judge directed federal prosecutors to
provide the defense with non-public
presidential materials reflecting Trump
policies that relaxed restrictions on
Nvidia shipments to China. Joining me is
Bloomberg Law reporter Ben Penn. Ben,
start by telling us about this smuggling
case.
>> Sure. There were two businessmen. uh one
is a Canadian citizen, another a Chinese
citizen. Both operate companies on the
east coast who were indicted last
December for violating export control
and smuggling laws for transporting
about $160 million worth of Nvidia
produced AI chips to China. and a case
that senior officials in the Justice
Department had promoted last December as
a primary example of this
administration's commitment to
protecting US technological innovation
from foreign adversaries. And then
within a few hours after that case was
first announced last on December 8th,
Trump took to social and announced that
uh he had reached a deal with China to
permit the distribution of some of those
same advanced chips, the H200 uh
processors into China. So that caused
some instant problems for the case and
then uh more recent developments have
further complicated
>> Trump's announcement come after the
alleged smuggling. So how is this a
problem for the case?
>> Well, that's the point that the
government has tried to point out in
arguing that the uh president's policy
pronouncements don't have bearing on the
evidence that they have assembled. And
the issue there according to the defense
lawyers is that there's basically been
an ongoing dialogue between the US,
Nvidia, China, other uh various cabinet
officials, departments involved,
including the commerce department and a
lot of this has all been behind closed
doors. These conversations began
throughout 2025
and overlapping with a time period in
which the businessmen are in which their
alleged scheme took place. So it could
be argued and the defense lawyers have
tried to argue that they need more
disclosure as part of the prosecutor's
discovery obligations. They need
disclosure of these internal
deliberations that took place inside the
the White House. China and Chinese uh
officials, Nvidia in order to learn
whether it's possible that the uh
businessmen, the defendants were not in
fact flouting export control laws and
were actually in compliance with what
the president was contemplating. We'll
see.
You know, I've talked to lawyers who say
that they think this argument is a
stretch. But, you know, it's pretty
fascinating that we, in this case, we
have a judge who has agreed and order
the government to produce discovery on
these unpublished White House
communications, which is really rare.
The government is uh not going to easily
hand over that information, and they've
already filed a motion to reconsider.
And if the judge doesn't reverse course,
then we can expect that to be appealed.
But what might come into play here is if
the judge's order for the government to
produce discovery of those uh White
House deliberations is upheld, then the
Justice Department may have to make a
decision of uh do we dismiss this case
rather than produce what they would
argue are privileged communications.
>> How unusual is it for a judge to order,
you know, internal White House
communications to be turned over to a
defense team?
>> Very unusual. And what's interesting
here is that the judge didn't actually
use as his reasoning what the defense
had argued which was that this justice
department is so tightly under the
control of this president, President
Trump, who has, you know, been open, his
administration has been open about their
view of the White House, you know,
controlling the ins and outs of Justice
Department charging decisions, therefore
making the White House communications
subject to discovery. This is an
argument that it would not surprise me
if more defense lawyers try to bring
that argument as we continue to see the
Justice Department moving at the
direction of the president in some of
their, you know, investigations of the
president's perceived enemies. But in
this case, the judge didn't even mention
anything specific to Trump's behavior as
his reasoning for granting the order. He
said that this could apply to any
president and any justice department
which he said irrespective of the
relationship between President Trump and
DOJ that the president is in any
administration is effectively an
extension of the prosecution team and
that's something that is uh certainly
going to be challenged if it's if the
judge doesn't agree to the motion for
reconsideration. We'll see that appeal
to the fifth circuit. I have no doubt.
But what's interesting here to me is
that, you know, this is the type of
argument that the defense lawyers, you
know, have success in here, even though
the judge wasn't quite agreeing to their
reasoning. We'll see defendants in other
cases try to argue that specific
relationship between this DOJ and White
House makes internal White House
communications more subject to
discovery.
>> Is the trial still on at this point?
No, it was supposed to start this
morning in Houston and there hasn't been
a docketed order yet, but the trial
didn't begin today. An employee of the
of the court in the judge's chambers
told me that there would be a motion
that will be filed maybe by the end of
today that we'll reschedule the trial
that the government had asked for a
continuence and uh it's been granted.
>> Would this have been known if Trump
hadn't sent out that truth social post?
>> Yeah, that's a good question. And I
think I'm not a tech reporter, but I I
do believe that there had been public
reporting about uh various Trump,
Nvidia, China talks throughout the past
year. There have been public disclosures
and various forms of this policy change,
but it's it's it's kind of ambiguous as
to exactly how it's being carried out.
when or if the case goes to trial, what
complications could this pose for
prosecutors? If this case ever does go
to trial, the prosecutors are going to
have to contend with the sort of mixed
messaging that Trump's policy change to
permit sales of the Nvidia chips into
China will create for their prosecution
because now they're going to have to,
you know, even if technically the
conduct was illegal at the time it was
committed before Trump had come up with
a new announced a new policy, it's still
the issue of, well, why are we devoting
government resourc resources to conduct
that under current policy appears to be
legal. And that's something that the
prosecutors may take measures to address
and it may be something that skeptical
jurors could be weighing on them as they
are considering whether to agree with
the government's position.
>> So the next thing is we'll see if the
judge grants the motion for
reconsideration or the government likely
appeals to the fifth circuit. Thanks so
much, Ben. That's Bloomberg Law reporter
Ben Penn.
Turning now to other legal news and a
case we haven't heard about for quite
some time. FTX co-founder Sam Bankman
Freed lost his bid to overturn his fraud
conviction and his 25-year prison
sentence. A federal appeals court
rejected his claims of not receiving a
fair trial and declined to throw out the
2023 guilty verdict that the one-time
cryptocurrency mogul argued was tainted
by improper evidentiary rulings and a
biased judge. Joining me is Bloomberg
legal reporter Ava Benny Morrison who
covered the trial. Ava, remind us what
SPF was convicted of. Sam Baitman Freed
was convicted of fraud um and sentenced
to 25 years in prison for lying to
investors, companies, and lenders and
essentially defrauding them out of uh
billions of dollars at his
cryptocurrency
uh company FTX.
>> Let's talk about some of the points on
his appeal. one that the judge prevented
SBF from introducing evidence that FTX
had enough money to cover customer
withdrawals.
>> Yes, that was one of the main points in
San Bank's appeal. Um he wanted to
introduce evidence that FTX was actually
solvent. Uh and it's given the time that
he would have been able to pay back
customers every single dollar. uh he
wanted to talk about um the bankruptcy
process and really zero in on that fact.
He said that the judge wouldn't allow
him and it essentially led to a thumb
being put on the scale and he couldn't
mount a proper defense.
>> And what did the appeals court say to
that?
>> The appeals court threw that out and
said that um you know he had ample
opportunity to talk about some of the
liquidity issues um with FTX and Alama.
I remember during the trial talking to
you about the fact that Judge Kaplan had
Sam Bankman Freed testify outside the
jury's presence before he testified
before the jury, which is really odd.
>> Yeah, that was one of uh the other key
points in Sam's appeal uh that he had to
go through this kind of deposition
outside the presence of the jury but in
front of the prosecution. So he said
that he was essentially previewing his
defense to the other side. He also said
that uh Judge Kaplan wouldn't let him
mount a advice of council defense. He
wanted to talk about how he relied on an
army of of lawyers um and other
professionals before he made decisions
about moving money around and uh loans
to other executives. But the judge ruled
that he couldn't do that. And this was
all part of um why the the trial was
unfair to him.
>> And SPF's lawyers said the judge
continually ridiculed their client and
pressured jurors into a quick verdict on
the first day of deliberations.
>> Yeah. So, this was a little bit of an
unusual point. Uh Sam tried to point to
the fact that the judge offering to
provide pizza and dinner to the jury and
have them stay longer than 9 to5 was all
part of a pressure tactic to get them to
reach a verdict as soon as possible. But
that's not entirely unusual to see um
juries kind of sequestered or stay past
the 5 p.m. 5:00 p.m. deadline to try and
reach a verdict. And how did the
appellet court respond to these other
allegations?
>> They said that um even though he had to
go through this um kind of deposition um
before the jury came in and that there
were these rulings against him and what
he was committed to talk about. Uh the
appeals court found that he was able to
present his version of events to the
jury when he testified regarding his
good faith belief that Alamita's assets
were greater than its liabilities. So
the court found that he was still able
to present that sufficient case.
>> And we haven't talked yet about the
money that he was ordered to pay. Is
that still in place?
>> Yeah, that's right. So he was ordered to
repay 11 billion uh which is an
extraordinary number. and he had argued
in his appeal that you know it meant
that Bankfried's ability to earn a
livelihood ever again was very slim and
argued that it was unconstitutional but
the court found that even if he will
never be able to close the satisfying
the 11 billion dollar judgment it did
not render the forfeite unconstitutional
or grossly disproportionate
>> with the bankruptcy and stuff are the
customers going to be refunded most of
the money.
>> I think the bankruptcy process has been
largely successful um for most of the
FDX customers. Um a lot of them if not
all of them have got uh their money back
uh if not all of their investment then
very close to but the argument that they
make is that they could have held on to
some of these investments and could have
got some of the high returns that we've
seen over the past you know year or so
that the other investors have had um in
the crypto market specifically.
>> The appellet court said the government's
evidence against him was conservatively
stated robust. So remind us about the
main prosecution witnesses against him.
>> The prosecution's case was bolstered by
the testimony from a few key witnesses
including the co-founder of FTX, Gary
Wong, and uh the former CEO of Alam
Research, Caroline Ellison. They were
the star witnesses for the government
and they explained how Sam would move
money around um and how he knew that he
was using customer funds for other
investments and to purchase real estate
and he knew that was wrong and that
evidence really helped convict um Sam in
the end.
>> Have they said what they're going to do?
They could appeal to the full circuit or
they could try a Supreme Court appeal.
>> Exactly. Um he could try a Supreme Court
appeal. We haven't heard yet from his
legal team about what he's going to do
next. Though he has submitted an
application for a pardon. He has been,
you know, mounting a bit of a social
media campaign even though he's in
prison, appealing to President Trump and
appearing on conservative news platforms
trying to really big up his Republican
bonafide. And we reported last week that
he has submitted a formal application to
the Justice Department for a pardon.
It's great to talk to you again, Ava.
Welcome back from maternity leave.
That's Bloomberg legal reporter Ava
Benny Morrison. And that's it for this
edition of the Bloomberg Law Show.
Remember, you can always get the latest
legal news on our Bloomberg Law podcast.
You can find them on Apple Podcast,
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www.bloomberg.com/mpodcast/law.
And remember to tune in to the Bloomberg
Law Show every week night at 1000 p.m.
Wall Street time. I'm June Graasso and
you're listening to Bloomberg.
Ask follow-up questions or revisit key timestamps.
This episode of Bloomberg Law covers several critical legal issues, including the legal challenges surrounding President Trump's proposed $1.8 billion weaponization fund, a smuggling case involving Nvidia AI chips that has sparked a rare judicial order for internal White House documents, and the unsuccessful appeal of FTX co-founder Sam Bankman-Fried against his fraud conviction.
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