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Stop Believing These 6 Popular Psychology Myths

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Stop Believing These 6 Popular Psychology Myths

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453 segments

0:00

There are many popular misconceptions

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about the way the mind works and about

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human psychology. So today we're going

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to talk about popular misconceptions

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about psychology, what the science

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really says, why people believe these

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things, and if despite being a

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misconception, they actually contain a

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significant grain of truth. We'll talk

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about that, too. Is willpower like a

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muscle that gets tired out as you use

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it? There's a popular theory known as

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ego depletion that says that

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self-control draws on a finite resource.

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So, as you exert self-control, for

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instance, deciding not to eat that

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cupcake and eat that vegetable instead,

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it's drawing on this finite resource,

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which means you have less available

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later on. So, later on, if you're trying

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to decide between reading this

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intellectual book or simply doom

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scrolling, you're likely to go with doom

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scrolling because you're out of this

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finite resource of self-control. So, why

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do people believe in this? Well, there's

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a really clear answer. It's because

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there are literally hundreds of studies

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about it and they either show it's real

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or they treat it as though it's a real

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effect and then they go study properties

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of it. But there is a big problem with

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this. It's that the research seems to be

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When people go and try to redo

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some of the major studies from scratch,

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carefully checking their work, they find

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that they don't get the same effect. In

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other words, a bunch of the classic

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findings seem to be false positives.

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Now, think for a moment about how crazy

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that is. Hundreds of scientific studies

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seem to either find an effect or study

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that effect and yet the effect doesn't

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seem to exist at all. To understand how

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this could possibly be the case, we have

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to understand the replication crisis in

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social science. Studies more than 15

1:28

years ago were very commonly run using

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not very robust methods. So people would

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get statistical significance, but the

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study wouldn't hold up if someone were

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to replicate it. And replication was

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very rare. So it was very easy to get

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away with this for a long time.

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Thankfully, progress has been made.

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Methods have improved. The field is not

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yet where it needs to be, but it is

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making significant gains towards doing

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more robust research. We have a project

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called transparent replications where we

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replicate new papers in top psychology

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journals to see if they actually hold up

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to scrutiny. This allows us to see

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where's the field right now and to give

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recommendations for how to make it

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better. But does this mean that ego

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depletion actually maps on to nothing at

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all? Well, I'm not so sure. It sounds a

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lot like normal fatigue, boredom, or

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frustration that many people are used to

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when they have to exert willpower or

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make many decisions in a row. I think

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that often people have an experience

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when planning a wedding that by the

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400th decision where they're deciding

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about napkins or whatever, they're just

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phoning it in. They're so bored or tired

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or frustrated that they actually don't

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do a good job with decision-m at that

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point. But it doesn't mean that ego

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depletion theory is correct or really

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adding much to the story. We do get

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fatigued the more we do things, but we

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don't need a fancy theory to tell us

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that. You've probably heard of the idea

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of learning styles. The concept that

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some people are auditory learners, some

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visual learners, some kinesthetic

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learners. You may even have had teachers

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that try to integrate this into the

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classroom when growing up. But why do

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people believe this is true? Well, I

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think on the one hand, they have

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personal experience. They think, well,

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for me, it's easier to learn visually,

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so I'm a visual learner. On the other

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hand, I think there's a conception that

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there's a lot of scientific evidence

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about this, that this is something

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that's been proven. Ironically, the

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opposite is true. There's a lack of

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experiments demonstrating that you can

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actually get people to learn better by

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matching the content to their learning

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style. And interestingly enough, for

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most people, we know that the visual

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part of the brain actually is better at

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remembering things than other types of

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processing. For example, we can see this

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with professional memorizers. Well,

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they'll leverage the visual part of the

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brain by assigning interesting and

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bizarre visualizations to things. By

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leveraging our visual memory, we often

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can remember things better. There may

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also be an element of what we like

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learning because the things we learn

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kinesesthetically through body movement

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tend to be different sorts of things

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than the things we learn visually or

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auditorially. That means if someone says

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they're a kesthetic learner, maybe it

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just means that they gravitate and enjoy

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and are good at the sorts of things you

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learn with your body. So, does this mean

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that we've proven learning styles don't

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exist? Well, science can often struggle

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to prove a negative. For example, let's

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suppose you designed an experiment where

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you developed three versions of all your

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curricula. You measured students

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learning styles. You then had one group

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that got matched to the learning style

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content appropriate for them. And you

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had another group that got randomized

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content that didn't match their learning

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style. And you compared the two groups

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and you showed no effect. Well, someone

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could just say your assessment for

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learning styles wasn't accurate enough

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or you didn't do a good enough job with

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the curriculum design or your auditory

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learning content wasn't as good as your

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visual learning content and that created

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a weird confound in the result. So while

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it could be the case that people of

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different learning styles learn faster

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with different curricula that are suited

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for them, it seems likely that if there

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are such differences, they're quite

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small on average because if they were

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large, studies very likely would have

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found them by now. And the fact that

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they haven't means they probably either

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don't exist or just small differences.

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It takes 21 days to build a habit,

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right? Well, first let's clarify what a

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habit is. A habit when speaking

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technically is a behavior that's become

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subconscious. So there's a trigger, you

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do the behavior without even thinking

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about it. Often this is confused with a

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routine, which is something you do

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regularly, for example, at a particular

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time or a particular place, but there's

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a conscious element. You're choosing to

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do it, like you read the newspaper every

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Sunday morning. So now that we can

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distinguish between habits and routines,

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let's go back to that claim. It takes 21

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days to form a habit. Where does that

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actually come from? Well, it's hard to

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know absolutely for sure where it came

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from. The most likely provenence is a

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plastic surgeon named Maxwell Maltz. and

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he was writing about how long it would

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take his patients to get used to their

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surgical changes. Well, he suggested

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that it was about 21 days. Now, I want

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to point out one, this wasn't about

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habits already. That's a huge problem.

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Two, this wasn't even a study. It was

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just his anecdotal observations. But

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somehow, it seems that this idea stuck

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and it stuck with habits in particular,

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as though all types of getting used to

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things or changing would take the same

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amount of time. So, that's a ridiculous

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origin story. And obviously this doesn't

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provide good evidence that it takes 21

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days to change. On the other hand, 21

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days is a pretty reasonable estimate. I

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think it doesn't seem crazy. If you said

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habits occur after 1 day, most people

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wouldn't believe that. And if you said

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it takes 300 days, I think most people

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would think that takes too long. So I

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think part of why this sticks is

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probably that it's a pretty plausible

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estimate. So we don't immediately get

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skeptical. So how long does it actually

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take to form new habits? Well, research

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that looks into this finds that it's

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pretty variable. Sometimes it's 30 days,

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sometimes it's 100 days. It really can

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vary. But what does it vary based on?

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And I think it's much more useful

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thinking in terms of number of

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repetitions rather than number of days.

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So for example, let's suppose you wanted

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to form a habit that every time you walk

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into your kitchen, you drink a glass of

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water. Well, you might actually go into

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your kitchen quite a few times a day.

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Suppose that it's seven times a day on

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average. Well, that means you have seven

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repetitions every single day to practice

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that habit. And if for the first, let's

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say, 3 days, you never miss it a single

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time, you now have 21 practice sessions,

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you might actually be able to form the

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habit after just 3 days because you have

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enough practice session. On the other

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hand, if you often miss the trigger,

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let's say only half the time during

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those first three days when you go in

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the kitchen, you drink a glass of water.

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You're not going to reinforce the habit

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as effectively. And it might be

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flimsier. It might take more days to get

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put in place. So, how long does it

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actually take to form a new habit? Well,

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it's going to depend on how many

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practice sessions you get in, how

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reliably you do the habit when you see

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the trigger, also how consistent the

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trigger is. If you're in someone else's

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kitchen, sometimes it might be harder to

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form the habit because you don't have a

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consistent stimulus. And if there's a

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reward, it can make the habit go faster.

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So, if you really enjoy drinking water,

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then maybe the habit will go faster than

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if you don't like the taste of water and

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you find it repugnant. Let's talk about

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multitasking. You probably have heard

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the claim that multitasking makes people

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more efficient. But you might have heard

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the contrary claim that actually

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multitasking is impossible. On the one

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hand, almost everyone has had some

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experience of successful multitasking.

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Maybe you were working out while

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listening to your favorite podcast and

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that worked totally fine. On the other

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hand, there are some very interesting

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scientific studies that show that some

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types of multitasking simply don't work.

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If you were trying to listen to an audio

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book and understand it while holding a

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conversation on a separate topic, it's

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nearly impossible. So, what's going on

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here? Well, certain types of tasks

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actually can be paired together. you can

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multitask them. Other types of tasks you

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can't do this for though. So what's the

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difference? Well, usually when we can

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multitask successfully, it's because we

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can push one of the tasks into the

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subconscious. In fact, this is a

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critical concept in skill development

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for many skills. For example, if you've

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been driving for many years, there's a

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pretty good chance that most of your

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driving is actually subconscious. So you

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might be able to listen to a podcast at

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the same time and do so successfully.

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Now, that could degrade your performance

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if you suddenly have to make a conscious

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decision while driving. If you get into

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a tricky situation and you have to

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decide what to do, the fact that you're

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listening to a podcast, might actually

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slow that down. But as long as you're

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doing driving that stays in the

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subconscious realm, you're going to be

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able to do something else at the same

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time. You've probably heard the claim

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that power posing, maybe postures like

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this or this that make you look

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powerful, could actually change your

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behavior for the better. Now, the reason

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people believe this is actually really

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clear. It's because one of the most

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popular TED talks of all time claimed

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that power posing works and the video

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was actually based on a study that the

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author conducted. Unfortunately, as

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people dug into the research, they saw

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that it was seriously methodologically

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flawed. And others who tried to

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replicate it had trouble replicating

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some of the findings like changes in

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cortisol levels or changes in

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risk-taking behavior. But as we were

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digging into the research on this, we

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noticed something really interesting.

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While it's true that the replications

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didn't tend to find those other effects

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like risk-taking, they did sometimes

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report increased feelings of power. In

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other words, participants felt an

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increase in power or rise in mood after

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doing power posing. It didn't always

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occur in the studies, but it sometimes

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did. This got us wondering, could the

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effect actually be real, but just really

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small? So, we actually ran what at the

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time was the largest ever study on power

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posing. We randomized people. So, some

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did power poses, some did neutral

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positions, and some did low power

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positions, and we looked at their

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feelings of power and their mood before

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and after. So, what did we find? Well,

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we found that power posing did increase

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people's sense of perceived power and

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how good they felt at the time. That

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being said, the effects are very small.

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So, whereas in the original claims, it

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seemed that this would be life-changing,

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in reality, it's a pretty mild effect.

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But if you just want to feel a little

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more powerful, for example, before going

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on stage, or you just want to give

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yourself a quick mood boost, you could

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try a power pose and see if it works for

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you. It takes 10,000 hours of practice

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to become a world-class expert. Or does

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it? Why do people believe this? Here, we

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actually have a really clear story. It's

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from Malcolm Gladwell's phenomenally

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popular book, Outliers, where he

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summarized the research of Anders

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Ericson about how it takes 10,000 hours

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of deliberate practice to become a

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world-class expert at complex skills

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like playing music. But there's a

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problem here. Anders Ericson himself

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denies this is an accurate

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characterization of his own research.

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The reality is it's cherrypicking and

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oversimplifying. For instance, if

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Gladwell had looked into international

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pianists, he might have found that it

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takes more like 20,000 hours for them to

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start winning international competitions

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that typically occur around the age of

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30. The amount of practice we need

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actually varies based on the complexity

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of the skill and also how competitive

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the field is. If it's a field where

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there aren't that many competitors, it

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may take less practice. If it's a less

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complex skill, it also will take less

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practice. What we know is that with all

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skills, there's diminishing marginal

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return. When you're first learning a new

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skill, you get better very, very quickly

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and then it starts to taper off. When

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you're at 10,000 hours, for almost every

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skill, you're going to be very deep in

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the marginal benefit. So, every

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additional hour is going to cause very

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little improvement. We also know that

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aptitude matters. While just about

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anyone can get better at just about any

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skill by practicing, some people are

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going to improve a lot faster. For

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example, if you don't learn perfect

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pitch by a young enough age, you'll

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probably never learn it, and that will

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be a disadvantage for certain types of

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musical tasks compared to people who do

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have it. Or if you're born with, let's

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say, dyslexia, that's going to make it

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harder to learn certain types of tasks.

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Yes, you can work around it, but you're

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going to be at a disadvantage, and it

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might take you more hours to get to the

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same level because of that disadvantage.

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There's some interesting research in the

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sports domain that tells us about

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deliberate practice and performance.

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They find that there's a point43

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correlation between how many hours

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people do deliberate practice and how

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good they are at their sports. So that's

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not nothing, that's substantial, but it

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leaves a lot of variability unexplained

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by deliberate practice. Even more

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intriguingly, they found that in the

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most elite athletes, there's almost no

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correlation between deliberate practice

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and their ability. This makes sense

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because there's diminishing returns to

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practicing. At the very elite levels,

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other things besides number of hours

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practiced might matter more like how

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exactly they practice, what techniques

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they use, and so on. Why do so many

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psychological misconceptions exist in

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the first place? I think sometimes it

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stems from our own intuitions. We feel

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that something works a certain way and

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then we tend to believe it even though

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it might not actually be right. Think

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about this compared to physics. We have

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an intuitive sense of how physics works,

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but experiments sometimes show that

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that's not the way things really work.

12:53

When you get into really big things, for

12:54

example, or really small things, we find

12:56

that physics violates our intuitions.

12:58

But another big reason why we have a lot

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of psychological misconceptions is that

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sometimes people put these ideas out

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there that are false, but they get a lot

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of attention for them. If they get

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millions of eyeballs, the idea spreads

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even if it's not true. And in fact,

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sometimes it not being true helps it

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spreads because it's a nice, simple, and

13:15

exciting story about what is truly a

13:17

complex and nuanced topic. If you're

13:19

interested in psychological

13:20

misconceptions, check out our

13:22

transparent replications project where

13:24

we go replicate new papers coming out in

13:26

top psychology journals when we say,

13:28

"Are they actually true? And if not,

13:30

what went wrong in the research?" And

13:32

one more thing, I've curated my top 10

13:35

clearer thinking tools for YouTube

13:36

viewers like yourself. They're free to

13:38

use and you can find them in the link in

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the description below. They cover

13:42

content that we don't cover here on our

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YouTube channel. If you found this video

13:45

interesting, I'd really appreciate it if

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you subscribe to this channel. We have

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so much more content about how

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psychology works.

Interactive Summary

This video discusses several popular misconceptions about psychology, including ego depletion, learning styles, the 21-day habit formation rule, multitasking, power posing, and the 10,000-hour rule for expertise. It explains why these beliefs are prevalent, often due to personal anecdotes, flawed or misinterpreted research, and popular media. The video clarifies what science actually says about these topics, emphasizing the importance of robust research methods, replication, and understanding the nuances of human behavior. It highlights that many popular ideas, while appealing, often oversimplify complex psychological phenomena and may not hold up to scientific scrutiny.

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