The Woman Who BEAT Maduro: Venezuela's Next Leader? Nobel Peace Prize Winner María Corina Machado
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Maria Corina Machado, welcome to the
All-In interview and thank you for being
here with me today. And congratulations
on winning the Nobel Peace Prize 2 weeks
ago.
Thank you very much, David. It's my
pleasure. Today, you are in hiding.
In October of 2023, you won the
presidential primary election in
Venezuela. Last March, you were
disqualified from running in the general
election.
You appointed ultimately a surrogate
Edmundo Gonzalez.
After the vote for the general election
for the presidency,
your party presented evidence
that claimed that you had won 69 and
1/2% of the votes, while Maduro, through
the National Electoral Council, declared
that he was the winner with 51% of the
votes.
This is the recap of a very long story
of the Maduro regime and prior to that,
the Chavez regime
and its effect on the people of
Venezuela, which you have tried to bring
to light on the global stage.
I was hoping to frame up the story for
our audience who may not know the
history of Venezuela very well by
talking a little bit about the
background of the country and how
your childhood and your youth brought
you to the stage that you're on today.
And just to provide a little bit of
background and forgive me for my lengthy
introduction, but I think it's important
for folks to understand that the
discovery of oil in Venezuela in 1914
began an economic boom that really
kicked off in 1922. Today, Venezuela has
proven oil reserves of 300 billion
barrels, the number one proven oil
reserve in the world. Saudi Arabia is
number two at 266 billion and the US is
at 48 billion. Over the decades that
followed the discovery of oil in
Venezuela, there was initially an
improvement in the economy through the
investment by the seven sisters, which
are a group of seven oil companies, and
ultimately there was a transition in the
country to nationalize oil production,
and that led to, I think, the story that
brings us here today.
So, Maria Corina, again, thank you for
being here. Maybe you could tell us a
little bit about your youth.
Well, [clears throat] first of all, I
have to thank you because this is a
unique, decisive moment in Venezuela.
We've been under this tyranny that has
turned into a real criminal structure
for 26 years that have turned, you know,
what used to be one of the freest and
richest countries in the Americas into
one of the poorest
and with a third of our population
forced to flee. So, imagine what a
tragedy. It shows that, you know, you
can have huge, unique natural
endowments, but if but that's not
wealth, you need talent, you need
institutions, and you need freedom in
order to turn that in the well-being of
your people.
I I was born in an incredible family. I
I I thank the Lord because we had a huge
family like Latin American family, like
to be, you know, together, hanging
around all the time. My father was an
incredible industrial
entrepreneur.
He He is perhaps the smartest and most
generous and honest individuals I've met
in my life. And and he taught us the
responsibility that comes with with
that, with your family values and the
opportunity life gives you. And that's
why we I only imagine my life in
Venezuela and in freedom. And and and we
grew with that sense of responsibility.
And but to be honest, I'm part of a
generation that, you know,
looked politics with, you know,
rejection or even contempt. I I said I
would do anything in my life but
politics. And
and and and, you know, thought we
thought that we had inherited
democracy forever.
We took it for granted. And when Chavez
arrived, our lives were, you know,
turned over and we realized that we we
need to exercise citizenship if we
wanted to live with freedom. And that's
how it all started. I never thought I
would be sitting in here with you
talking about politics or democracy.
I never thought I would be sitting on a
podcast, but uh
>> [laughter]
>> life takes us down strange paths. What
were the conditions in the country when
Chavez came to power? What sort of life
were you living? What were you seeing in
the country that enabled Chavez to come
to power and what did he promise the
people?
Look, we had a period of of democracy
that that brought Venezuela huge
opportunities, you know, that
widespread education and health.
Unfortunately,
uh we stopped short of
a a real free economy. But
um the state control, not only of
institutions, but as you mentioned, when
the oil companies were, you know, owned,
turned into the government, state-sized,
and and a terrible incentives started
being created and more and more people
felt excluded from that, you know,
wealth that the society Venezuelan
society was getting or country was
getting because it was all in hands of
the state. So, we've never known but the
state control economy. We've never
always known or never seen anything but
that kind of socialist procedures in
place. When Chavez arrived, uh we had
gone through a political, you know,
crisis and and and there were growing
tensions and and, you know, claims of
corruption in the political system, the
party system, and also the price of oil
had, you know, declined. It was around
$8 a barrel. So, he came with a populist
narrative offering, you know, everyone
to be equal and and to revenge against
all those that were guilty of uprooting
the the country. And and, you know, he
aligned with actors such as Fidel Castro
in Cuba and other international
interests to grab, you know, those huge
resources Venezuela has and of course in
a, you know, super strategic geographic
position. So, that's how he got there
and that populist system turned into a
autocratic and then into criminal
structure.
>> And this was 1999 that he came to power?
>> was in 1999.
>> And at the time, I think when he took
office, oil was at around $14 per
barrel. And a few years later, oil
spiked up to $100 a barrel.
>> even less. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah, that's
true. Just to contextualize all of this,
prior to his coming to power, the oil
companies had been nationalized. And so,
to your point, the government was really
the economy. And he promised this sort
of equality and redistribution of value
for all of the people of Venezuela. Is
that what he promised and the economy
was really depressed because of the oil
price being down? Yeah, and that he
would take, you know,
resources from the rich, the companies,
and he would distribute in in in poor
quarters and and in in in in the most
vulnerable
parts of the of the society. And at the
end, we we learned the hard way that
effectively this kind of socialist
approach does get everyone equal in
absolute misery because there's nothing
for free in life. I mean, you you give
away your choices, your decisions, in
supposedly to receive, but actually what
you are you are getting is into a slave
situation in which the state, you know,
decides for you
and and only if you behave accordingly,
you will get what they had offered. So,
that's what we're seeing right now. The
largest oil reserves in the world, I've
been walking around those areas where
that oil is actually beneath the ground
and you see children eating from
garbage.
So,
>> And I think, to your point, and I was
going to bring this up later,
but there's such a powerful lesson to be
learned for the West, for America, for
Europe, socialism is slavery.
And I think the story that you bring to
the world is one of slavery driven by
this kind of socialist tyranny. There is
no socialism without tyranny. But I just
want to walk through that a little bit
because as Chavez came to power,
oil went up to $100 a barrel. Suddenly,
Venezuela's oil reserves made the
country very wealthy,
and he then engaged in a series of what
some people have described to me as
petro diplomacy,
where he gave away 300,000 barrels of
oil per day to the Cubans at a 50% price
discount in order to
make the Cubans a surrogate, in order to
make other
island nations in the Caribbean, in the
African island states, surrogates. And
that's how Venezuela expressed their
political influence around the world was
through the power of
the oil reserves, but in such a way
that it excluded the people from
participation. It seemed to be very
centralized to the government.
Maybe you could share a little bit about
how folks in the government, in the
military under Chavez, lived these
incredible lives with wealth and luxury,
while the people were impoverished. Any
anecdotes you could share on that? Yeah,
sure. Look, this is a this is this is a
result that's being
you know, tried in Venezuela and
elsewhere. You get into power through
elections and then from within you start
undermining every single democratic
institution. You go against the media.
You control the media. And it's and you
can see this pattern in Venezuela. So,
how Chavez started, you know, pressing
or or buying space and publicity and
then buying the whole media outlets and
through censorship and and through and
changing the laws in order for to be
very very risky to speak out. And then
it went also with the private sector in
every single area of production. And of
course it took the military as well. I
mean, all those that were the most
competent individuals they were put
aside and only those that were
absolutely loyal to the regime were
ascended. So, this is
you destroy merit merit and
and so that anybody
realizes that if you want to be part of
of the system, if you want to work for
the state or for the academy or in the
military,
it has nothing to do with your
competence or knowledge or talent, but
you have to be absolutely loyal and and
bow your head to the regime. And and and
this progressively imagine all the
resources that were coming in because
you you said something very important
that some people do not realize. I mean,
the the the the barrel of oil was around
10 or eight when Chavez arrived. It went
up to 150
dollars a barrel. Imagine the amount of
resources. It was all the money in the
world that they used effectively to buy
loyal and and and to lobby around the
world and to support ideological groups
all over all over the the the western
hemisphere
So, and and these groups and these let's
say these stands
and get getting contact with each other.
They exchange technology, they exchange
information, they support each other in
international forms. And that's why you
know, they get so powerful in their
different areas and and and countries.
On the other hand, what we have seen is
that democracies and democratic
movements in our in our side of the
world are very isolated. We we don't
help each other. We don't support each
other as we should. I I think this is
one of the great lessons that we we
learned in these 20 years.
Regarding the the the amount of
resources, look, there are estimates
that the the the the the
the tag that the that Venezuela was
robbed is over 2 trillion dollars.
Imagine what we're talking about in
these 26 years. And uh and this was all
either
went for corruption as I said or for
this kind of obscene
fortunes these very few individuals have
while 86% of our population nowadays
lives in in poverty.
The pensions in Venezuela are less than
$1 a month, David. $1 a month.
Yeah. And so you're under Chavez
there was also this embracing or tie-up
with the drug trade, the FARC
ELN in Colombia. What is the alignment?
What was the reason that the Chavez
regime and now the Maduro regime
aligns with the drug cartels given the
oil wealth
given the international diplomatic ties
because of the oil trade. Why is there
also a drug tie-up and what is the
motivation and the incentive and drive
there?
Well, the the the drug business isn't
new. Actually, it started before Chavez
arrived and many individuals in the
military had had ties to them, but they
realized it could be even much more
the margins are even larger than than in
oil and the greed in these individuals
in these criminal structures are
unlimited. It's infinite. So, they not
only went into drugs and drug
trafficking, they went into
gold smuggling, arm smuggling, even
human trafficking. I mean, every single
criminal network
in the world has has you know, converged
into Venezuela that has been turned into
a safe haven for for the enemies of of
of the west and and the enemies of the
United States. Imagine, I mean, Caracas
is 3 hours away from Miami. So, having
you know, a satellite of Russia, of Iran
operating in the heart of the Americas
it's it's something that you know, these
these regimes around the world have
always dreamt of.
Even terrorist groups such as Hezbollah,
Hamas uh to which Chavez and Maduro have
given
thousands of Venezuelans identities and
passports to travel around freely around
the world.
So, under Chavez the GDP declined 70%.
There was mass starvation, highest crime
rates in the world, 90% poverty rate.
Much of the stories and and anecdotes
have been reported publicly by
international organizations.
You are 32 years old when Chavez comes
to power.
Three years later
you start a civil organization called uh
Sumate. What were you doing when Chavez
came to power professionally? And what
motivated you to get involved in the
civic engagement that carried you
forward to today?
Well, I had been working in in the
private uh auto parts and steel industry
following my father's steps.
And and also I was involved in a in a an
NGO that took over a children shelter
for abandoned and abused children and
and and you know,
I I as I say, I had never thought I
would get involved into politics, but
once this you know, this individual
arrives and it's evident for us that he
was promoting
the division of our country to create
tensions, to to divide even families,
even my own family.
Uh the the degree of of hatred, of
violence in in his speech, the way he he
wanted to
um to create tensions among religions,
races.
It it you realize that that was going to
turn
part of our country and a group of
friends, all engineers, decided that we
will work to to gather petitions for a
recall referendum. We thought it was
going to be like a super easy task to
get, you know, 6 million
petitions in a few weeks. And and and
you know, we we learned the hard way it
was it would require a totally new
uh kind of citizen organization
and that's how Sumate, which means join
up, uh
finally was managed to gather the the
petitions in just one day. People
millions of people came out and signed
these
petitions. It's a long story. Chavez
eventually uh committed fraud in in the
referendum and and stayed in power and
and got even more and more autocratic as
the years passed by. So, were you doing
Sumate full-time? Did that become your
life's work at that point? And then how
did you make the decision to run for the
National Assembly?
Which was in 2011. Fast forward nine
years after founding Sumate.
>> Yeah. Sumate was like an awakening for
me and for many Venezuelans. We we
realized that we could not rely
our citizenship in political parties and
that you cannot be complaining about
politics if you're not willing to do
your own part. And that's why you know,
it came a day when I said, "Look, you
know, I I
I know how politics
are doing, how it works. I don't like
it. So, I cannot complain if I'm not
willing to take my own steps. So, I I
took this fellowship to to to a program
in leadership at Yale University.
And and it you know, it was like seeing
my life
from above
and I made that huge decision that I was
going you know, go for it. I was I was
going to run for Congress.
I had no political party. I had no
experience. You know, everything was
against me. Everybody told me you are
crazy. You are never going to win. You
are never going to get support. Nobody's
going to support someone, you know,
whose family has resources, who's a
woman. You are divorced.
You are not a socialist. I mean, I had
every single condition to fail.
>> [laughter]
>> And
uh I I I decided, you know, I
I felt
it was my responsibility. I could not,
you know,
get afraid of
and and I trust my own, you know,
feeling.
And
it was impressive.
You know, volunteers started
you know, contacting me and in a matter
of months
with no money whatsoever, no
organization, no media, nothing.
Uh I won I won the primaries and then I
for the for the National
uh
Assembly.
And that was in 2000
uh, 10 and and then I won the the
election with the highest number of
votes in in Venezuelan Congress history.
Amazing. How much of a role did the
internet play? I worked at Google a long
time ago and we always had this
conversation that the internet
is going to create a democratization of
information
that you no longer had centralized
control of information through media and
in the case of Venezuela that is
effectively controlled by a government
that wants to stay in power.
Did the internet play a role in giving
you the ability to reach people around
the country in 2010 to be able to get
elected? Absolutely. And not only that,
in 2010, I wouldn't have won if it
wasn't through the internet.
>> Right. I mean, no media outlet would
dare to interview me. And it was a way
in which we could organize because we
had no resources.
But further ahead
let me tell you, I know how there are so
many concerns about the use of
technology by by the by bad guys and and
and by by the regimes that are
autocratic and Venezuela is, you know,
what? A textbook case of how you get
infiltrated, persecuted, manipulation
and so on.
But if it wasn't for technology
we wouldn't be here at the threshold
of freedom. And and this is something
that we need to really highlight it.
So you are, like all great revolutionary
leaders, speaking truth to power. You
have a seat at the table now.
You're in the National Assembly.
And then in March of 2014 you address
the Organization of American States
about Venezuela's human rights.
And then a few days later you were
expelled from the assembly. And then
there's all this legal stuff that
happened which we don't need to get
into.
But can you just frame up what happened
in that moment? Kind of what your your
narrative is on the transition where
they said you can no longer be a
representative here anymore.
Well, I had had a previous experience
just one year before
because we went for a presidential
election and we won against Maduro when
Chavez died.
And they they committed fraud and we
weren't able to prove it that that we
had won.
And that was in in in in April 2013 and
and I went back to the National
Assembly, I stood up and I said Maduro
is not the legitimate president. We won.
And suddenly I hear someone calling my
name, I turn around and there was this
member of the parliament of the Chavista
regime that hit me on in the face
and she broke my nose in five pieces.
And
and and and we were locked in in
Congress. I was thrown to the floor, I
was kicked by this And Diosdado was
watching everything. He was the person
that
the National Assembly. So this was, you
know, an an evidence that violence
had gotten out of control. Imagine if
you can do that in a in a TV TV, it was
seen on TV
throughout the the country and the world
while while they were assaulting us. So
next year we started peaceful protest
and and
the regime
ordered young
people that were in the streets, you
know, just with with with with flags to
be shot at.
So I went to the OAS, Organization of
American States and it was the first
time Maduro was accused of human rights
violations internationally. As soon as I
came back
they they they, you know, just ejected
me from the National Assembly and by
force prohibited me from going back into
my seat.
So
um
it was a very hard moment but at the
same time it was a great opportunity
because
I realized
that I needed to reach out personally
to to our country and create a totally
new organization that promoted our ideas
and prepare for the next stage of of the
struggle.
And this was in 2014.
Can you share about the Maduro
transition? Maduro is on paper seemingly
wouldn't have been the natural successor
to Chavez.
He started out as a bus driver and then
he was a union leader. It's unclear from
the outside what makes Maduro
the the selected successor to Chavez.
What is it about him as a man, as a
person, with his character that made him
the successor to the Chavez regime?
Well, Maduro was trained in Cuba. So it
was the Cubans who chose Maduro.
It was a very easy option for them,
totally loyal
to the communist
Castro regime.
And um
Maduro has no no
you know, no
nothing restricts him from exercising,
you know, violence and and and and and
force
for his ideas.
And certainly he doesn't have Chavez
charisma.
Uh, not not the the degree of control in
in the other groups. So they were
creating, you know, like a group of of
individuals that at the control of the
the system, the strategy, the the
structure
that control the military, the financial
enablers,
the criminal networks and the political
sectors. And that's how he he went over
taking more and more control and turning
Venezuela, as I mentioned before, into
this
safe haven of criminal activities.
And he himself turned into the head of
these structures. When we heard about
the Tren de Aragua, now about the Cartel
de los Soles, the Cartel of the Suns. I
mean, these are structures that we have
denounced for years.
And we have tried the the world to
understand that this was not a
conventional dictatorship anymore.
This is a you know, a very complex
structure that that, you know, produces
obscene amounts of resources
not only for that but also for very
dangerous allies that come from very far
such as the ones I mentioned before,
Iran, terrorist groups and so on. They
you know, they turn Venezuela into one
of of the Russians' main buyers of of
army
and and and weapons and also one of the
I would say that the major stronghold of
the Iranian regime abroad. I mean, they
use Venezuelan financial system to
bypass financial sector financial
sanctions and and they use our territory
to to operate freely.
And what about China? Can you share a
little bit about China's relationship
with Venezuelan leadership and Maduro
and when that
became a more kind of intimate economic
tie?
Well, Venezuela turned uh, to be
China's main
debtor with over 60 60 billion
uh,
dollars in in debts and that
you know, accounted for all kinds of
different projects that were never
built. And and and certainly China
realized that Venezuela's, you know,
natural endowments are unique,
absolutely unique. It was strategical.
Um, nonetheless uh, the the degree of
corruption in the system and in this
system is so so big that China stopped
funding Maduro about seven years ago and
simply is getting, you know, the oil to
to pay for the debts that are still
um, pending. Um,
I I I believe
China, you know, understands the the the
strategic importance Venezuela has also
for its geographic location and but but
has been more prudent because of the
degree of of corruption that they have
suffered from from Maduro and and the
regime. But but there's also the side of
the, you know, the intelligence,
uh, espionage,
uh, and technology and satellites from
China that have been installed in
Venezuela. That's a very important
dimension for that as well.
Venezuela is a country of I think 28
million people.
By some estimates, 8 million people have
fled the country. Does that feel
accurate to you and can you provide some
anecdotes of why people leave, where
they go and what it's like in the
country that's causing this mass exodus
of the population? Look, we're
the
nation of a little over 30 million. I
mean, this is a country where you have
no information whatsoever. Imagine
living in a country where you don't know
how many you are. You don't know
what's the the size of your debt or your
GDP or or inflation, nothing. It's a
black box. You know, that's that's
that's why it's also a challenge in
terms of what's coming up. But
um
roughly 9 million people have left. It
is, you know, around 30% of our
population. Imagine if a 30%
of the American people leave, what it
would mean. No, it's devastating because
we're seeing, you know, our young
people, our children doctors, engineers,
scientists, nurses, teachers. And
of course they go because the situation
from the economic perspective is is
horrible. But mostly because you don't
see a future
in your own country because you feel
there's no possibility to survive.
So,
women that have left their young
children back only to sell something for
them to eat. Children that have left
their parents alone. I I've met so
many so many grandparents
that have not met their grandchildren
yet. And And they cry and help me and
ask me, "Please, please bring my
grandchildren back." And we all know
that the only possibility for that to
happen is that we, you know, have a
transition to democracy. And when that
happens, David, you will see the day
Maduro goes,
hundreds of thousands of Venezuelans
voluntarily coming back. Even though
they know it's a hard moment that will
have, you know, to work really hard. But
we we know the potential that unique
potential. And And, you know, they want
to be part of this It's much more than a
political struggle.
For us, it's an existential struggle as
a nation and also a spiritual struggle
as well.
A lot of people will say, "Why don't
they go on the streets today?"
Can you talk a little bit about the
intimidation
of the Maduro regime
and why it's so difficult for people to
rise up in the way that we have seen
other revolutions historically around
the world. What keeps that from
happening? What are the mechanisms that
are used to stay in power uh by the
Maduro regime? Look, and and we have
seen that in Venezuela at many times as
well. I mean, we're talking about
thousands of times in protest, in
peaceful, you know, rallies, in people
going out by by tens of thousands of and
even hundreds of thousands. But the
regime has developed this regime,
Maduro, with the Cuban intelligence
mechanisms to infiltrate. And anyone who
goes out is either detained, harmed,
killed, disappeared. When we won the
election last year, July 28th, thousands
of people went to the streets while we
were counting the votes. So, want to
tell you a little bit more ahead. And,
you know, in a matter of 24 hours, 2,500
people were in prison, including
young people,
children, women that were even sexually
assaulted, abused just because they had
gone out to the streets to peacefully
claim for their right
for popular sovereignty to be respected.
But they went beyond that, David. They
went to the houses
of our of our of our activists that had
been taking care of the election, that
that worked as witnesses, that took care
of the tally sheets. And And And they
took them away. And if they weren't
there,
then they would grab their families,
their mothers, their children, their
their couples. And And And
Every single person who even posted my
picture on their on their, you know,
Instagram account or X account,
whatever, they would go and take them as
well.
So, it was so brutal
uh
that the Inter-American Commission of of
human rights labeled it as state
terrorism. And the fact-finding mission
of United Nation
uh has said those are crimes against
humanity. It was so wide, so systematic
that what they wanted is to terrify
a society.
So,
we've had these last 15 months a period
of of darkness as we've never seen
before.
I I was accused of terrorism. Maduro is
searching for me.
He said I would spend the rest of of my
life in prison. Some people think it it
would be even worse. Um
But, you know,
all my team, which, you know, managed
the campaign, this incredible campaign
that took place, are either in prison
or they had to leave the country. So,
this is the moment in which, you know,
fear
uh
has been,
you know, imposed
by by brutal force. But that doesn't
mean that Venezuelan society is
neutralized in the country.
As we managed to organize for an
incredible epic episode when we won the
election, now we have been organizing
underground and preparing for the day in
which transi- democracy will come and
people will make sure it is an orderly
process.
Maduro has
publicly said many times that you are a
puppet of the West,
that the US and its allies are trying to
interfere in Venezuelan politics because
of their economic interest in the
Venezuelan oil reserves. I want to give
you a moment to respond to those claims.
I think you've done an amazing job
highlighting your motivation and the
on-the-ground experience, but
um can we counter or have a conversation
about this belief,
which, by the way, many have made
because of the US involvement in Middle
East and Middle East politics,
and the US's absence of involvement in
politics in countries that are not
oil-rich? Maybe we could talk a little
bit about the the importance of this for
the West,
not just the economic interest, but, you
know, what else is motivating this and
why is the US interested in supporting
your cause? That claim is not very
original. I mean, that's what all of
these guys say to anyone that speaks
out, if even if it's, you know,
a a a union leader, student, or a
priest.
And frankly, you know, I couldn't care
less for what they say. You know, we
know what we are, what we believe, and
what the people and why people trust us.
We have managed to build the strongest
citizen movement in our country's
history.
Starting on 2023 when Venezuela looked
hopeless and divided and without a
chance to move ahead,
we reached out to every single I went to
every single corner of my country. Look,
I went with my car because I've been
banned from leaving Venezuela for over
12 years. I'm not even allowed to buy a
a local flight ticket. So, they thought
they were hurting me, but actually they
they gave me that biggest opportunity to
to to, you know, go through my country
from one point to the other and to talk
to people, to listen, to learn, to
understand, to get really close in terms
of what we are and what we believe, to
turn down those barriers the regime had
built to divide us, and to find out that
this is not about left or right, rich or
poor, black or white. It is about human
dignity.
It's about respect, solidarity,
cooperation, freedom, and love. And
love,
which is the strongest force that has
brought us together. You know, I've seen
people that were close to the Chavistas
for years coming to me, crying, hugging
me, asking for forgiveness. And I said,
"No, I have nothing to forgive. You
know, we have a common
goal now. We have a common vision.
We all want our kids back
home. And that's precisely what's
happening right now. So,
look,
Venezuela
is for me the country with the
largest opportunities, not only for the
United States and the rest of the West.
I mean,
imagine. And I'm not talking about our
natural endowments, which are huge.
We'll already address that, or
infrastructure, or even our geographical
position.
It's our people, what if you have
endured, and the way we have come
together. And I've heard recently some
people talking about that, you know,
once Maduro goes out, because he will
leave soon, you know, there's this risk
of of, you know, um
civil war or unrest. Give me a break.
We're talking about a country where 90%
of the population, we all want the same.
There are no religious differences,
there are no racial tensions, no social
or political differences. We all want
the same. And we have fought so hard for
freedom that we are the ones who are
guaranteeing that this will be an
orderly transition. And yes, we are
close to the United States values and
culture. Yes, we are.
We admire a nation
that has strong democratic institutions,
that feels proud for for their
achievements, their history, their
legacy. And so are we. So, look,
you know,
those kind of socialist rhetoric
nowadays is useless in Venezuela.
You know, we only know socialism. And
Venezuela today is a country I believe
that, you know, most people embrace open
markets, respect for private property,
merit, and collaboration.
I want to just talk about the election,
and then I'd like to ask your view on
the United States today. But let's talk
about the election. 2 years ago, you ran
for president.
You won the primary
with a resounding victory in October 26,
2023. Today, you're sitting in a
basement.
You're not in the office of the
president. Can we walk through what
happened? What was that campaign like?
How did you reach the people given that
you didn't have access to the state
media and then maybe share a little bit
about that primary victory and what
happened afterwards? Yeah, you know,
we realized
as I said in in January 2023
that we need
needed to get
you know, trust back in the Venezuelan
people. Trust ourselves and trust each
other. And and the primary
had this incredible
opportunity of giving power to the
people and not the political parties
that used to decide, you know, what
which the candidates were. So,
we decided to go for a primary and a
primary in which the regime would not
get involved. Uh in in Venezuela in
previous primaries process the the the
regime electoral uh or uh entity would
organize the primaries and we said this
time no way. We're going to do it all
organized by citizens. It was
a huge challenge and a great risk.
And we believe the regime totally
underestimated us. They thought that
perhaps, you know, 100, 200,000 people
might appear and vote and so on.
And and that's why they they let it go,
let it run.
And when October 22nd, you know, it's 2
years ago exactly, they came.
I was a candidate. There were 10
candidates and I thought, well, it's a
miracle that that it's just this is
happening as we as as as we're seeing
it.
At mid-morning around 10:00 or 11:00 in
the morning, I started getting calls
from all around the country saying, "We
ran out of ballots." I said, "What do
you mean? I mean, it's it's only 3 hours
of of the process. What do you mean?
We ran out of ballots." So many people
showed up. Over 3 million Venezuelans.
And it was such a courageous act, David,
because going out meant that you were
voting for the opposition. No, so
this was huge. I'm talking about remote
towns that we need to have river boats
in order to get the results.
And and also Venezuelans around the
world because I insisted and many of us
that Venezuelans abroad our diaspora
should be allowed to vote. So, that day
our country came together.
I I I I am humbled. I am grateful.
I I got 92% of the votes and and Maduro
realized that, you know, they they
wouldn't be able to stop me. So, they
they banned me
from participating.
I confess to you that it was
one of those really tough days in your
life because it was so unfair. I mean, I
had a mandate.
But, you know, I could have blown
everything, but I decided, "No, we have
to keep on going and we're going to have
find someone that is willing to take my
place."
And once again, the regime
underestimated us because they accepted
a 74-year-old
diplomat that nobody knew who he was. A
super honest, loyal, intelligent, good
person. No one knew who he was. This is
Edmundo González. Edmundo, exactly.
Edmundo González son, our
president-elect.
And I had a poster
with his face. So, I went all over the
country telling, "If you want to vote
for me, you have to vote for him." And
this is the guy.
And
at the same time, remember we had had
over 30 elections that progressively
were more and more and more and more
fraudulent. I mean, sorry. Edmundo
González, he became your candidate in
July of 2024 last summer, just to be
clear, right?
>> In
in in May. May. Okay. Yeah.
>> May. The elections were in July. Yeah.
Elections were in July. So,
imagine at this time, I mean, nobody
knew who the candidate was
and we everybody knew we were facing the
most fraudulent system in the world. I
mean,
the concept of a fraud elections that
are being spread in around the world, it
was born here in Venezuela. With the
electronic machines and all the the
stuff they've been creating around it.
Fear, manipulation, altering the
uh register list and so on.
So, we realized that we needed to use
technology in our favor.
And that's why we managed to create a
legion
of volunteers.
We trained them without the regime
noticing that we were training them.
There were 5,000 uh
sessions in person and over 300,000
people trained by the internet.
We develop
apps for for cellular phones in which,
you know, we will monitor every single
polling station around the the country.
How many people did you recruit to this
legion for the ballot monitoring?
>> It ended up being more than 1 million
volunteers. Everyone with a specific
task.
David, we had no money.
We could not print flyers or posters.
You know
how much was our uh publicity
budget?
Zero.
We didn't paid for one ad, nothing.
When we went around the countries and we
stayed
in hotels,
the regime would come the next day and
close the hotel.
If we went and stopped in the street to
to buy some food,
then they will punish the the the
restaurant or or the snack place. I
mean, they they blocked streets. They
they got our people in in prison,
persecuted those that were in control of
the electoral and and organization
departments. I mean, this was huge, but
they turned this into an epic.
And and citizens decided that it was
going to be their own epic, their own
victory. So, we trained all these people
with our diaspora. We we we had these
apps
designed and
we knew, and this is a very important
part, that we had to prove our victory.
For the first time, we needed to prove
the results.
So, we designed a a system through which
we would collect the original tally
sheets. We would scan them
and we will publish them in a digitized
webpage super robust for the whole world
to see.
And in order to do this, imagine we are
in a country where 60% of our territory
doesn't have access to the internet or
even cellular phones.
So, we needed to geo-optimize,
you know, process
centers to process the the physical
tally sheets. And we did that uh with
mobile, Starlink, and uh antennas
[clears throat] into the country,
generators,
laptops, cell phones. And without the
regime noticing it, we
we we installed these 130 operational
places
and in less than 24 hours, we were able
to prove our victory
with the, you know, the images, original
images of the tally sheets being seen
and scrutinized by the whole world. They
were audited by over 20 different
independent
technicians and universities and they
all concluded that those were the real
results. So, to be honest, I think we do
have set a new standard for electoral
integrity, not only in dictatorships,
even in even for democracies.
And
the the data that you shared showed that
you won a resounding victory. Your party
won the the presidency
and Maduro declared himself the winner.
Since then, he's issued a warrant for
your arrest.
What is next for you? What is next for
the country?
Look,
it's been such a long way. I mean, it's
I have so many colleagues and friends
that are currently in jail,
that are very far away or even killed. I
mean, this has been very painful.
>> [snorts]
>> But at the same time,
we have grown so much. I mean, we're a
different society, but also we're
different and better individuals.
We've learned
the value
of living in a democracy and being free.
And uh
now we've come such a long way.
We defeated Maduro in the hearts and
minds of the Venezuelan people. We
defeated Maduro
in the ballot boxes. We defeated Maduro
in the spirit of Venezuela. And now the
only thing he's got left
he's he's, you know, violence and a few
uh top brass individuals and financial
enablers that have terrified those uh in
the military that still are, you know,
supporting him. But,
you know, these last 15 months of
resilience and resistance have created
more and more pressure from within and
now finally we're seeing a reaction from
abroad. For years we have to ask the
world to understand that this is a
criminal structure and as such, in order
to to break it down, you need to cut the
inflows of criminal money that comes
from drug trafficking, from gold
smuggling, from human trafficking, from
all or the black market of oil. You need
to cut those inflows and that's
precisely what President Trump is doing
right now.
And and and we are very grateful to see
this international coalition that is
applying, you know, the law the
enforcement of the law on this criminal
structure, which is what we need. I
mean, Maduro
for so so this long years have
felt
that he could, you know, disappear,
kill, torture people with absolute zero
zero cost. But the time of his impunity
has ended. And and and you know, I I
believe the regime is at its
weakest position ever. They understand
this is serious. There is a, you know, a
real threat and we are seeing
defections,
betrayals, and more and more people from
within the regime reaching to us. And
what we are saying is, look, we had
offered possibility of a negotiated
transition and now that that that day is
close, we offer, you know, everybody
that decide to step on the side of the
law that they can be part of this huge
transformation of Venezuela.
Mhm.
Can you highlight the moments of the
American presidencies, the American
administrations,
Obama, Biden, Donald Trump,
and how they have supported the cause
and what's different today?
I do have to say that, you know,
we've had bipartisan support and you see
that in Congress even yesterday, you
know, and and because
there you know, sensible
individuals in the Senate, in the House
that understand
that it's, you know, it's for a
humanitarian reasons because of its
millions of lives at risk in Venezuela,
but it's also for the national security
of the United States. I think that's,
you know, it's pretty well proven at
this point. Um, but
so far, um, you know, the world the
words, only statements and no actions.
And and when you face a criminal regime,
uh, you have to understand that, you
know, the way to reach peace is through
freedom and freedom requires strength.
And that is moral strength, spiritual
strength, and physical strength. And and
that's what finally the regime is facing
at this point. So, you know, we are very
we are very very grateful
to President Trump and his
administration for, you know, the
visionary and decisive way he has acted,
calling things by their names. It
requires courage. There are a lot of
people who are willing to do that
before. So now the
we
are prepared
for an orderly transition.
We know what we need to do in the first
100 hours, 100 days to take control of
the institutions and our territory.
Um, Venezuela has been destroyed in
every [clears throat] possible way. You
see it in our economy, in our security,
in our national sovereignty, in in in in
you know, in the public services, basic
services that people require.
But our people are tougher and stronger
[clears throat]
than him.
And we are determined
to be free.
So,
this is going to be like it's going to
be a rebirth. We're going to turn
Venezuela from
the criminal hub of the Americas into
the energy hub, the technology hub,
and the democracy hub of the Americas.
And and it we will need to do that from
from from scratch, from ruins. But but,
you know, we have a huge incredible
diaspora that are willing to come back.
Imagine, you know, with all the
resources we have, you know, the energy
that the capacity to to produce energy,
not only natural gas and
hydroelectricity,
solar and so on, you know, we can we are
going to be so attractive for
for those who want to invest, as I said,
not only in energy, but in technology,
AI, data centers. I mean, we have
everything to turn Venezuela into a
bright and and proud nation very fast.
And before we wrap, Maria Corina, I'd
love to just ask you an important
question, which is we are seeing a rise
of interest in socialism that's
unprecedented in the history of the
United States.
Largely fueled by what some would argue
is a a challenging income growth
situation, student loan debt. I mean,
it's a very different situation than
Venezuela,
but many middle class American children
are finding themselves unable to
progress like every generation before
them in US history. They cannot seem to
create a better lives for themselves
than their parents.
And as a result, we are seeing in cities
like New York, Zohran Mamdani being the
favorite to become mayor.
And presidential candidates being
discussed that maybe also have
a socialist agenda and socialist
interest. I want to give you an
opportunity to speak to the youth of
America
about the lessons learned
with what Venezuela has gone through
with its socialist cycle here.
And maybe something that you could share
that could help them think a little bit
more differently about the choices ahead
for the American democracy.
Yes, um,
we went through the same experience.
You know, 26 years ago people would warn
us and say, you know, watch out
what socialism and communism could bring
to you and we would always answer,
Venezuela is not Cuba. That's not going
to happen to us.
And at the end, look what, you know, the
disaster, devastation we had, you know,
9 million of our people spread around
the world. And and the fact is that you
can only live in peace and prosperity if
you have freedom
and and democracy. That's our lesson.
And and those who offer
to give you for free what you need to
get on your own with hard work, at the
end end up,
you know, charging you
with the the most valuable
asset you could have, which is your
freedom, your capacity to decide and to
make your own decisions. And um,
that's that's a great lesson. I mean,
when you have the state on top of you,
uh, that means whole society will
probably be equal
in misery and poverty. So,
the the American institutions and
American spirit and American dream. And
I think these temptations come
uh, many times and they they are good
because they make
societies reflect on what they have and
understand that freedom freedom and
democracy are to be defended,
taken care of every single day of your
life. When you lose it, it's very hard
to get it back. And and that's the
lesson we're going to give to our
children and our grandchildren. And I I
believe
uh,
the American people
value what they have and I hope that,
you know, having so many Venezuelan
people around you can also
gets you an idea of of of of the threats
and dangers of these systems.
Maria Corina,
courageous speaking truth to power.
I cannot think of a more powerful regime
to speak truth to.
And I thank you for your courage, for
your leadership. Congratulations on
winning the Nobel Peace Prize and thank
you for joining me here today.
Thank you. It was a pleasure and I look
forward to hosting you in a free
Venezuela where you will see, you know,
great investment, great prosperity, and
also peace and freedom from Venezuela to
the rest of the region. Thank you so
much, David. Thank you.
>> [music]
>> I'm going all in.
Ask follow-up questions or revisit key timestamps.
In this interview, Maria Corina Machado discusses the 26-year struggle for freedom in Venezuela against the authoritarian regimes of Hugo Chavez and Nicolas Maduro. She details how Venezuela's immense oil wealth, once the largest in the world, was squandered by state control and corruption, leading to widespread poverty and the forced migration of nearly a third of the population. Machado explains her transition from private industry to civic leadership through her organization Sumate, and eventually becoming a leading opposition voice. She highlights the regime's use of violence, censorship, and fraud to maintain power, while also emphasizing how, despite these obstacles, her movement successfully organized a grassroots effort to prove the opposition's victory in the 2024 election through digitized tally sheets. Machado issues a cautionary message to Western audiences about the perils of socialism and emphasizes the necessity of defending democratic institutions.
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