Joe Manchin Exposes The Chaos Inside Biden’s White House
2071 segments
All right, everybody. Welcome back to
the All-In podcast. We are super pleased
to have with us today Senator Joe
Mansion is joining us today here on the
All-In Interview. And Chamath and I will
be interviewing him uh on his new book,
Dead Center in Defense of Common Sense.
A great book. Welcome to the program,
Joe Mansion. I know you like to be
called Joe. So, Joe, welcome to the
program.
>> Jason, thank you. And it's great to be
with you and Shamath and and I've
>> followed you all and you've been
unbelievable what you've put out and
some of the people you've had on. It's
been very entertaining, very interesting
and very thoughtful. So anxious to be
here.
>> Thanks. And we we have a tradition here.
I don't know how often you watch the
interview show, but we always try to get
a personalized gift for each of our um
our guests. And so I in the book you
talked about your first car, your 19.
>> Oh, if I could if you could find that if
you could find that thing for me, it was
a bullet back. I can't find the car.
Well, there it is with the white
interior.
>> Oh my god. Where can we buy it? No. No.
We got it. It's in your driveway right
now. When you get out of your office
there, it'll be waiting for you by your
yacht.
>> Let me tell you that. Oh, by my yacht.
Yeah, I got a big
>> Oh my god. Has a $200,000 trwler.
[laughter]
>> It's a fishing trwler. Correct. And it's
a trwler.
>> Joe, listen. Joe, what what Jason has
just proved is he has not read the book,
but he looked at the pictures in the
middle. That's all he's done.
>> No, I did the
>> He's ripping off the pictures in the
middle. No, I don't have the physical
book. I did the audio book. But Joe, you
did the right thing. You read it
yourself, which a lot of authors, you
know, they get try to get talk out of
doing it, but it makes it so much more
personal.
>> Hey, Jason, I didn't know I was supposed
to do that. And I And all of a sudden,
my daughter Heather says, "Dad, you got
to show up at the studio and start
reading your book." I says, "How how?" I
said, "Why do I have to do that?" She
says, "It's in the contract." I said, "I
didn't see that." She says, "I didn't
show it to you."
>> It's part of the contract.
>> It's like six or seven hours of reading.
>> It took 20 hours. 20 hours.
>> So, three days. Three, four days.
>> Four days. And let me tell you, it's the
best thing I've ever done. The make me
reminisce everything we put in the book.
>> It's just Chamati. You haven't done this
yet because you haven't written.
>> I don't I'm not really into audio books.
I read the book. Look, I have it. I I
like to have the physical pages. I mark
them. I
>> Okay.
>> I'm old school.
>> Yeah. I mean, I sometimes I do both, but
you know, when you're in the session,
>> I'm sure you had this where the
producers got the button and then you're
like and you know, and then I got my
Maserati and I came out of the garage
and they're like, um, a garage. You're
like, yeah, I came out of the garage.
Like, a because you have to do every
word perfectly to sync it on Amazon,
right? So, they have to correct you over
and over again if you just miss one. The
most unbelievable thing is the first I
the first day I start doing it and I'm
sitting there, you know, and all of a
sudden I'm just talking and reading the
book and I cross my legs. They said,
"Stop. Cross your legs, didn't you?"
[laughter] I said, "What?" They said,
"We heard you cross your legs." I said,
"My god, I'm in trouble.
>> You're basically in like a Faraday
cage." Like, if you literally, you know,
hit anything.
>> Yeah. Oh, wow.
>> But, you know, the the book's fantastic.
Everybody go pause the uh podcast here
and I just absolutely go buy it because
it's so important and you know I
mentioned um when we were just on the
pre-show Irish Catholic Boy Scout and
you start the book out with an Irish
Catholic boy scout getting in a brewhaha
Donnie Brookke with an Italian
Irish boy scout. You an Eagle Scout?
>> No former president.
>> What? You were an Eagle Scout? That's
what the internet said. Where'd you get
to? First class.
>> No. No. I got up to I got up to life.
>> Oh.
>> And what happened? I was right next to
it. Let me tell you what happened. 1959.
Never forget it.
>> The coal mines the coal mines got
automated in West Virginia. I lived
within I lived in little coal mining
community, 400 people. And there was
three of the largest coal mines you've
ever seen. And everybody worked in the
coal mines. Okay. And all of a sudden, I
come home one day and my dad had a
little furniture store. My grandfather
had a grocery store. And there was all
these guys sitting on the on the curb.
They got laid off because it got
automated. They lost their job. Pat
Keenir was my scout leader. The best of
the best of the best. If you have a good
scout master, scout leader, you're going
to make it. If you don't, you don't make
it. And what happened? He had to go to
Lordstown, Ohio to get a job in the auto
factory. And we lost it. And I was done.
>> You left scout master. Yeah.
>> I lost my guy. Oh, well, this part of
the of of your story, I think, is the
crucible moment for you because I've I'm
Catholic and Irish, and I know the
Italian Catholics, that's that's quite a
fight.
>> An Italian Catholic and an Irish
Catholic get in a fight. Just step back
is what I my best advice everybody.
>> But you got in a heater with Joe Biden
over the the bill back better bill.
>> Yeah. to the extent that like I believe
the Democrats or operatives were sending
people to your trwler, your your house
boat that you're living on, they're
sending people, you know, a little bit
out your family maybe
>> everywhere. I was and I had the death
threats were unreal, Jason.
>> Your own party. So maybe you could take
us to maybe tell that story because it
feels to me and correct me if I'm wrong
that this is a se seinal moment in your
political career or perhaps the
>> I don't recommend anybody getting caught
in a 50/50 Senate in the United States
because the United States Senate is
supposed to be the the the uh most u
deliberate body in the world. And the
reason it's deliberate because you have
to have a 60 vote threshold for closure
to get on to get on a bill. And with
that, that was intended from our
founding fathers is that the house is
going to be simple majority. 218 out of
435. Don't even talk to the other side.
You don't have to just shove it through.
And George Washington said, you know,
it's just going to be like a hot cup of
tea and it goes over to the Senate.
Should cool itself off so we can drink
it. Well, that's the whole premise. And
people keep saying, get rid of the
filibuster. That's the holy grail to
democracy as we know it. Because without
it, we wouldn't be the country we are
now. It forced us to sit down in one of
the bodies to s cal calm things down and
talk to our friends over in the House
and say, "Guys, this is how it's got to
be. We've got to moderate this some."
And that's what that's what it was
that's what I'd always known from Bob
Bird, Senator Robert C. Bird, our
senator forever, 50 years plus in West
Virginia. when I became governor, he
kept I think he kind of knew in his mind
that I would probably run for the Senate
and he was getting to the end of his
career or, you know, his age was
creeping up on him pretty pretty hard.
Anyway, he kept telling me all the
different things of why he did certain
things, why the rules were the way they
were. So, I had a real understanding of
the purpose of the Senate and my
responsibilities. So, here we go. And
then the the whole the whole thing on
reconciliation,
there's a reconciliation. It's it's a
movement. It's a that we operate under.
And it's basically stopping it stops
anybody from preventing us to make sure
we can take care of our financial
responsibilities.
And so reconciliation only takes a
simple majority. Well, in the Senate,
that's the only vehicle that you can
have a 51 vote threshold without a
closure vote of 60 votes getting to the
bill. So then Joe Biden gets elected and
I think the story in the book it starts
out Schumer kept calling me that all
every hour on the hour the night of the
election and I'm thinking why is he so
worked up? Because in the Senate in all
honesty whether you're in the m if
you're one of if you're not the majority
leader but you're one of the senators in
the caucus or the Dem Republicans you
have the same power you have the same
you know you can participate every
senator can participate. They're all
important 100 of them. So he keeps
saying, Joe, he says, you know,
understand this Georgia thing could
really, you know, it could happen. I'm
thinking, well, I don't think we're
going to win Georgia. We hadn't and then
wasn't predicted, but Donald Trump put
him in play to be honest with you. Him
going down there and getting into a tiff
with everybody. He did. And so all of a
sudden, you know, we got uh uh two
senators that are running from there.
And boom, the first one calls Raphael
Waro. He wins. Osafs later on that
night. Boom. They call that and Schumer
says, "You know what this means, don't
you?" And I said, "Well, Chuck, I think
it means you're the majority leader." He
says, "No, it means that you can
probably have anything you want." And I
said, "I just want my country to do
well. If my country does well, my state
will do well. That's all I care about."
>> What do you think he meant when he said
that?
>> I know exactly what he meant, Schmoth. I
know exactly. Chuck Schumer basically
coming from where he comes from. It just
whatever you can take back home. And of
course, Bob Bird was always criticized
for taking so much what they call pork
back home.
>> And that was the the situation he
thought, well, I'm in a cat bird seat
now. I could outdo Bob Bird. I just
never thought that. I just never thought
of tipping the scale so unfavorably to
where we all should be doing well if we
can move our country forward. But that's
what he thought. Okay, what do you want?
I just want my country to do well. When
that happened, there was a lot of
thought that the filibuster and and
maybe just to take a step back for the
audience, the whole point is that as you
explained, basically laws can get passed
in one of two ways. The real way, which
is that you have to find some sort of
compromise with folks on the other side,
get to 60 votes, or the other way, which
is a more of a budgetary process called
reconciliation, which is a simple
majority. And there's been a lot of talk
that
one party at some point will try to
eliminate the filibuster so that when
they have a simple majority, they can
pass any law they want. And there was a
moment, I think, in that point where you
came under a lot of pressure to get on
board with trying to eliminate the
filibuster. Can you just give us a
window into that and what happened and
how you made the decision and what the
what the reaction was from party
loyalists? Well, let's go back to 2013
when Harry Reid because of Barack Obama
couldn't get his appointments done for
his for his cabinet and things of that
sort and and some judges. So, the
majority party can change the rules. If
they want to blow it apart, they can
blow it apart.
>> Well, Harry Reid decided that he wanted
to get rid of the filibuster.
And uh I just said, Harry, I'd never do
that. I mean, my goodness, you can't
just because you can't work with
someone. I said, "You and Mitch don't
even sit down and talk. You don't have a
cup of coffee, let alone discuss what
should be important for both sides." And
at that time, I even told Harry, I said,
"Harry, the only thing that the
president's wanting
that he got he won re-election 2012,
gets reappointed 2013, reinaugurated,
and here we go." He wants to put his
team together. That's will and pleasure.
And I always believe that will and
pleasure that will and pleasure means
you're you get elected. You're the
executive Shimoth and you said, "Joe, I
want you to be part of this. I'm going
to come and go. It's your will and
pleasure. I'm not staying over. Once
you're gone, I'm gone. Why not let you
have your team unless I then they can do
a FBI background check, find out if I'm
of sound character and moral values and
no criminal records and boom, let me
go." So I I begged Harry just go over
and cut a deal with Mitch and say,
"Mitch, let's together do this
unanimously. That 51 vote threshold for
all of the president's appointment,
people that'll be will and pleasure, no
holdovers whatsoever. But you can't do
it to judges that get lifetime
appointments. You can't do it for other
other uh different agencies that have a
six-year or a nine-year term. Just will
and pleasure." And I I thought that
would be very simple. And he wouldn't do
it. They said, "Oh, no. We got to get
the judges. I says, "You're going to
basically change the confirmation
process to 51 votes for a lifetime? Are
you crazy?"
>> But they did it. And then guess what
happened? They did it for the They did
it for district and circuit judges.
Okay? Didn't do it for Supreme Court.
Guess what happened as soon as
Republicans took over? They were in
control. Mitch McConnell says, "Fine,
we'll do it for Supreme Court. Now we
have a 63 court." didn't work too well
before he did it. You know, whether it
be Harry or that. And during this, Chuck
Schumer's just come out directly and has
said he wanted to get rid of the
filibuster. That's how they were going
to run it with Joe Biden. Well, Joe
Biden had always been a defender of the
filibuster. How can you flip on your
values when all of a sudden now because
you're in charge and you want to just
shove things down people's throat? I
said, I'm not going to do that. So,
myself and Kirsten Cinema voted against
the filibuster, which stopped all that.
I was all for the voting. I mean, all
the concern the voting act, voting
rights act, all that. But I said, we
have to find a pathway that we have some
Republicans, 10 Republicans that will
work with us.
>> I want to go and ask you a very specific
question that's that's framed in the
book about Obama. But before I do that,
let's just stay on Biden for a second.
>> I'll get to where where uh Jason asked
me how we got to because it really how
it led up to what happened is
unbelievable.
>> Yeah. Yeah. I think maybe finishing that
big battery. Go ahead. Yeah. because
it's it's gets spicy. Yeah,
>> it gets spicy because what happened,
Jason,
>> uh the first thing they did was a ARP.
The American Rescue Plan was his first
bill. Soon as Joe Biden gets elected,
boom, he gets sworn in and in February,
he comes out with the ARP, American
Rescue Plan, which is this big overhaul.
Okay, we had just done, you all know the
finances better than probably anybody
observing. We had put $3.2 2 trillion
dollars into the market as co in 20 in
2020 March of from March 2020 up until
the end of the year and then Joe Biden
takes over. So we already put 3.2
trillion. He comes out with the American
Rescue Plan. They want to put another
1.9 minimum 1.9. Now we're at 5.1. Well,
our cash flow is about a little over $5
trillion a year that we run the country
on. They're doubling the amount. You
can't digest that. that the market can't
take it. But they were doing it. And I
says, "Are you people crazy right now?
We don't even know what what the 3.2 is
going to do,
>> let alone but they wanted it was they
were be chasing a social reform." And I
told him, I said, "Mr. President, they
heard me grumbling uh in the hallway and
one of the senators called the White
House immediately and says, "Mansion
making trouble already." Well, it was
50/50. They had to have me. say, "Call
me right over to the White House."
>> And I'm sitting there. I said, "Mr.
President, I'm begging you, please don't
do the don't do reconciliation on this
bill. If this is your bill, which I know
it's not, this is a Bernie Sanders and
this is Elizabeth Warren cuz I'd heard
them respectfully. I, you know, I can
agree in some and I disagree, but it was
just too big a bite coming right out of
co and we had a vaccine that was
working." So I said, "Please don't,
sir." And I said, "You're the only one
on the stage running for president with
all that big lineup that says, you know
how the place work. You can work on both
sides. You can make a deal." And I
always known you to be that person.
>> And [clears throat] now all of a sudden,
you're throwing, you know, the nuclear
bomb out. You're saying, "We can't work
with the Republicans. We got to do it."
>> And I said, "Sumer's got you all fired
up thinking that's how you're going to
run it." And I knew in my mind they
wanted to run that what we call the
117th Congress. The Congress is a
two-year stint. Every two years you have
an election. So, Congress, we were in
117th, just starting it. My
my uh thought process was is that
Schumer had convinced the president that
we could run this Congress for two years
with four reconciliation big bills, two
in two in 2021 and two in 2022.
>> And I says, over my dead body, that's
not going to happen. That's not what
we're here for. And that's not how this
place is supposed to work. So they
called me over in the White House and
they grabbed you always Jason. You're
sitting there and you see it on
television. They made everybody leave
the room and we're sitting there and
then president reaches over and grabs
your arm and he says, "Joe, your country
needs you."
>> I'm thinking, "What the hell do I say
now?" And I said, "Mr. President," and I
grabbed his arm. "Country needs you,
too. It needs us all." And I said, "Sir,
I'm begging you not to. Why don't you
just put this bill that you call your
American Rescue Plan? Put it in the
jurisdictional committees and let us
work it. Give us a shot clock. Say,
"Guys, I'm going to give you 60 days to
work this these bills." Then if you They
don't because they just don't want you
to have any success at all. Do what you
got to do then. Oh, no. Got to do it
now, Joe. Got to go. Got to go. Okay.
So, we go. And then we shut it down
there for about 12 or 14 hours one day
cuz I thought they lost their mind. They
wanted to expand the unemployment
benefits. I said, "Do you understand
what you're dealing with now? you got
inflation coming at you so hard because
people have been cooped up. We've sent
everybody a check. And I told him this,
he kind of giggled. I said, I said, "Mr.
President, we've sent everybody a check.
And if we've missed anybody, it was by
mistake cuz you intended to send
everybody a damn check." And I said,
"They want to go spend money and there's
nobody working. The supply chains are
shut down. There's nothing. They're
going to pay exorbitant amounts to get
what they want. You're just fueling it,
sir." Oh god. We went through all of
that and he that's when he got pretty
vulgar and just told me I'm going to
you're going to you know if you you kill
my effing bill
I'll never talk to you again. I said if
I could kill this
>> if I could kill this effing bill you
shouldn't talk to me again because if I
could I would but I can't the way you
things is moving but I can tell you
we're never going to go this way route
again.
>> So this is how we work kind of work
things out. Then sure enough one month
they come back with BBB.
>> Yeah. build back better. Now they're
talking $6 trillion. That bill was 10
trillion if it was a penny with all the
revamping. I couldn't get there, guys.
And I told him, I said, "Mr. President,
I'm sorry, man. I can't get there." And
they tried for eight months, beat up on
me. I mean, I had to have security.
>> What is that? What is that like? Like,
what does the pressure campaign look
like? It's because it's not just the
president exactly as you write in the
book. It's people showing up at the
house. It's people with little kayaks
with protest signs around your boat.
It's pretty intense.
>> It's pretty intense. But I can tell you
one thing. When every day uh the Capitol
police call you and says your death
threats are serious enough right now, so
we have to have, you know, we'll meet
you down at where you live and we'll
bring you to work and we'll take you
back home. You know, things are pretty
serious. I never wanted to know the
extent, but I knew they were serious.
And then one time they said, "This is
really getting serious now because now
we got things. They know where your
children go to school. They know where
your grandchildren are, where your kids
live." And I'm thinking, "Oh my god,
this is crazy." And then I had a bunch
of Boers come down, canoers. I had I got
attacked by canoes. And I just said,
"Guys, listen. We just disagree." It was
all climate people. And I said, "Listen,
I I want a clean climate. I just know we
need energy to run our country, and
there's got to be a balance." And uh so
I said, "Come up to my office." They
said, "What?" I said, "Come to my office
tomorrow. We can sit and talk. You don't
have to be out here in the water." But
they thought that was the show they put
on. But they came the next day. We
talked. We agreed to disagree on some
things and we agreed on some things.
>> But Joe Joe, I just want to understand
though, like do do you think that these
are just random acts or do you think
that it's it's an organized pressure
campaign?
>> I think it was organized. They were paid
Shamath because a lot of my friends who
live on the down at the river on the
PTOIC River with me on the boat they
they played like how can I get a job
with you? How can I do this if I want to
protest? They say oh just sign up and
get $15 an hour. I couldn't believe it.
I couldn't believe it. They were telling
me that.
>> But doesn't the message have to go from
the White House? Like doesn't Biden's
team somebody has to say like
>> oh no Ron I'm going to be honest with
you. strong claim, okay? Smart guy, good
guy and everything, but he had gone so
far to the left and he pushed Joe left
cuz I kept telling
>> when I first went over to the White
House, I said, "Mr. President," I says,
"You have the most liberal staff that
I've ever seen." First time I went over.
>> And he said, "Well, Joe, they tell me I
have the most diversified staff." I
said, "We're not talking about
diversity, sir. We're talking about bat
crazy. We're talking about people I've
known, I've worked with in the hallway
forever, [snorts] and I know where they
came and where they worked before. These
are people real far left. And Ron put
that team together. And I I know that
because I kept saying that your staff is
pushing you too far left, Mr. President.
You've never been that far left.
>> Right.
>> And I just Someone says about, you know,
I've I've always liked Joe Biden. We
always got along well. Good man.
>> I just don't think he lost the will to
fight.
>> Okay. Do you think it's that or can I
can I just ask you all of these rumors,
the comments about the autopen, the
mental faculties?
>> Never saw that. Never. and I've been
with him a lot. Okay, we always had good
conversations. Now, with that said, I
just said, I know how much energy it
takes if you've got to fight with your
staff every day to do the things you
want rather than the staff saying,
"We'll take care of that, Mr.
President." Because I would ask him, we
agree on something, and I'd ask him a
week or two later, and nothing had
happened. So, I know there was no
followup. You follow? So, I knew Ron was
kind of driving the train. And and uh
with that, I'll tell you how this thing
came to to a head. They didn't. I said,
"I'm not voting to get on the BBB." And
this goes on for a while. There's just
pressure and pressure me and they need
my vote to even get on reconciliation.
>> Right. Right.
>> So, it finally came down to I said, you
know, you've got some good things in
that BBB bill. The one thing you really
need is infrastructure. Remember the
bipartisan infrastructure bill?
>> Yeah.
>> I said, this country, we haven't done
anything for 30 years. I said, why don't
you just let's pull that bill out. So,
Schumer being the person he is, he said,
I'll tell you what I'll do, Joe. I'll
pull that bill out. And I said, "Let me
work that bill, Chuck." And I said,
"We'll get you a good bill and it'll be
bipartisan. I'll show you can be done
bipartisan." He says, "I'll tell you
what. I'll do that and pull that out if
you'll vote to get on BBB."
So, the reason I'm leading up to this,
that's when people say, "Well, Joe
promised to vote for it." I never
promised to vote for BBB. I says, "I'll
get on and let you work the bill. I'm
never going to be for this bill."
So anyway, we get we we get the be we
get the bipartisan infrastructure bill.
We work it and we pass it and the night
we're passing the bill sitting on the
Senate floor, Bernie Sanders says, "Come
over and talk to me, Joe." And I sit
down. He said, "Joe, are you going to
vote for this BBB bill?" And I said,
"Hell no, Bernie. You know, I was never
been for that bill." And he says, "Well,
at least you're being honest with me." I
said, "I've been honest with everybody."
I said, "You guys want to work it until
the cows come home? That's fine. I can't
do this."
>> And he says, "You know, I've cut it down
from six some from 6 trillion to three
Detroit. I says, Bernie, you and I know
the game that's played here. You didn't
cut it down. All you did was cut the
timing down from 10 years to 5 years or
3 years to make it look like you were
cutting them out. You know, they're
never going to get rid of any of this
once you start giving everything away,
>> right?
>> Went through all of that. So, he says,
you know, I can kill this bill. And I'm
thinking at first when he said that, I
says,
"Well, Bernie, if you're saying you can
kill the bill here in the Senate and and
you're and and Vermont doesn't need any
infrastructure, your bridge, roads and
bridges, internet connections, your your
water and sewer line, everything's
great, then you should vote against it."
He said, "No, I'm not talking about
here, Joe. I'm talking about on the
other side in the House with all the
liberals or the progressives over
there." So, I didn't think of anything.
We passed it that night and boom, the
bill gets held up. You remember that?
>> They kept getting held up and they kept
sending the president up there to talk
to him and pass the bill
>> and they wouldn't pass it and they kept
saying Mansion lied to us. And I said,
"Shumer, you better tell them the truth.
You know exactly how you got on this
bill and you know I never ever said I
would ever vote for this bill."
>> Let me Joe, if it's possible, I want to
just go a little bit back and I want to
start with Obama. So you wrote in the
book that Trump was the most engaged
president you ever worked with and that
in the first I
>> said two of them two two
>> two of them okay and then
>> Clinton Bill Clinton
>> if you told me people that are engaging
with you and talk Bill and uh and
President Trump
>> and then you said in the first two years
you spoke with Trump more than you ever
did under eight years of Obama.
>> Correct. Correct. contrast and compare
Obama and Trump for us and just help us
understand the positives and negatives
of both as you saw it. I think pres
President Barack Obama is a very good
man, you know, and and but his politics,
I knew him when he was a US senator
representing Illinois and he knew about
the coal industry and I you of course I
come from the coal industry being
governor of West Virginia and growing up
in in the coal fields and we talked
about fossil and why we needed this that
and everything. He wanted me to help him
and vote for something that would help
his called uh uh future gen, which is
the new uh coal fired plant that was
going to be uh CO2 capture and all this
and that. They called it back. That was
a billion. It was a billion dollar
project. The government was sponsoring
and I told him I couldn't participate. I
was one of the four states I pulled out
and put my support behind and they got
it. Never built the plant, but they got
the the award. So, I knew he knew it.
And then all of a sudden he becomes a
number he becomes the the nominee from
the Democratic party and switched
everything to to renewables.
And I'm thinking, well, what are we
going to do with all the things that the
coal miners have done and all we've done
for our country? Does that mean you're
going to bring new jobs or this or that?
There was no plan to replace any
opportunities to live the quality of
life and to live where they wanted to
live with it their culture and and and
who we are and family oriented in the
Appalachia.
And boy, I'll tell you, we had a meeting
about one year afterwards and I was uh
in the National Governance Association
leadership and we had Democrats and
Republicans. I finally got a meeting
with him in the Roosevelt room and I'll
never forget that.
and uh and we were going around the
table and different governors were
speaking. He came to me and I says, "Mr.
President, you've done one hell of a
good job at villainizing Cole." And he
jumped up and it went nuts on me. I'm
thinking, "Woo boy, here we go."
[laughter] And he said, "Why would you
say something like that?" And I said,
"Because it's true." I says, "You have
basically put benchmarks that we can't
make because there's no technology that
we can get our industry to meet those
that gives you the right to shut it And
he made a statement, if you recall, go
ahead and build a coal fired plant and
we'll break you. He knew that we
technology wasn't there. So I'm
thinking, Christ, what happened? You're
leaving us behind.
>> These people have nothing. They and they
they said, "What happened to the West
Virginia Democrats?" I said, "I tell you
exactly what happened. They ran them
off.
>> Now all of a sudden they've done
everything like a returning Vietnam
veteran. We've done everything our
country's asked. Now all of a sudden
we're not good enough, clean enough,
green enough, or smart enough. They hell
with them. Just don't." by the wayside.
So you remember the slogan don't leave
anybody behind. At least Joe Biden
picked up that slogan in 2020 and he has
did done a lot of things there trying to
have incentives to bring businesses into
coal country if you will.
>> So is it that Obama is just a an
incredibly
strategic political calculator?
>> He was elusive.
>> He's elucid.
>> What does that mean as a politician?
>> I don't know. I mean, I just, you know,
when I talked to Bill Clinton, you know,
it's always, it was always what about
this and he was always so inquisitive
about this and that, what I was thinking
about this and that. Then we always had
a couple good jokes to tell each other
and kind of broke eye, you know, we had
a lot of fun. And with with and with
President Donald Trump, you know, you go
meet him, he's charming as can be.
>> Sits down, talks with you. He says,
"Hey, Joe, what about this?
>> What about that?" No. And you know, we
talk about a lot of things. And then one
time I told, "Mr. president, just call
me last. I was the only Democrat he was
talking to. Come over, have breakfast,
come over lunch or do whatever, come to
a movie. And uh had a lot of fun and and
I said, "Just call me last." He said,
"Why you say that?" I said, "I don't
know who in the hell you talk to last,
but that seems what happens. I'd like to
have one of those dates."
less stuff. So, a lot of your this
profiling courage around spending
and entitlements
in the book you talk about comes from
this rugged individualism,
personal responsibility.
>> Accountability.
>> Yeah. And this accountability that you
grew up with.
>> Yeah. As a as a Catholic as well. You I
had that as well. A little bit of guilt
if you don't work hard as well sprinkled
in there to as a back stop. We're
looking at a country now where it seems
uh the the operating principle is how do
I get mine? Hey, you got something. I
need to get something. And now you've
got Mandami in New York.
>> He's going to give free pizza and bagels
and bus trips and whatever it is,
whatever people want, he's going to give
it to them for free.
>> Yeah. You have not been able to failed
in some ways to turn this around in the
country this entitlement as many of us
have who have been screaming from the
rooftops like ask not you talk about
this in the book ask not what your
country can do for you what can you do
for your country you bring it up and
over again
>> so I think we failed in the last two
decades and socialism's on the rise why
is that how do we turn it around
>> let me just say the last at the BBB the
last time President Trump President uh
Biden I had met where He calls me up
into the White House and he takes me up
in stairs to the living quarters and boy
but when you go up there that's really
going to the woodshed if you will and we
were talking and everything and I said
Mr. President I can't get there. I
really can't get there sir.
>> And I said you know you and I are both
at the same vintage. You're a little bit
older but not that much. I said we're
we're in the same vintage. And I said, I
remember very vividly as a 13-year-old
kid watching television, inauguration
196 of John Kennedy asked not what your
country can do for you, what you can do
for your country.
If we pass this piece of legislation,
you're asking me to vote for the BBB,
>> you're changing the psychic to the
nation of how much more can my country
do for me? I wasn't born that way. I
wasn't raised that way. I don't believe
that way, and I can't do it. You could
put a gun to my head and say, "I'm gonna
pull it pull the trigger. I can't vote
for it."
>> [clears throat]
>> And then all hell broke loose after
that. So how it happened is this. My my
grandmother took everybody in. Okay? We
lived by the railroad tracks between the
creek and the railroad tracks in a
little three- room garage apartment. And
my grandparents had a little home right
beside us. She took everybody in. I
never knew. I just watched and I I was
eldest of the of the boys of about 20 of
us grandkids. We had to whitewash her
basement, keep it clean and a nice place
for people to stay. There was no social
social network back in the 50s.
[clears throat] We had people that would
ride the train. You can call what you
want to. These were people that fallen
out of society. They were all
intelligent, smart craftsman, this and
that. And they they and alcoholics
probably most of them. And they'd come
down. They knew he could go off and go
to a mama and she'd take care of them.
She said, "I got three rules.
Can't you can't uh you can't drink.
>> You can't swear. and you've got to work.
So my first introduction was there was
rules and they were all good rules.
>> Pretty basic operating system.
>> Okay. So you know what after about a
while they'd be we had some of the best
painters and carpenters you ever seen
but we'd lose them every now and then. I
said okay we had names for everybody. We
had Willbar Willie Pegle Peggy. You name
it we [laughter] had them. They were all
characters.
>> Oh peg leg peggy especially.
>> He had a peg firecracker. He had a peg
leg, a wooden peg leg, [laughter]
>> and he got caught in the was in my
building. He got caught in the tracks
one time. We had to pull him out.
>> Anyway,
>> so I said, "Mom, okay, what happened to
Dloid? Where'd Lloyd go?" "Oh, honey,
he's on a toot again." And you know the
toot was always the bottle. And when you
see the old-timers on the tooth, they go
like this. Uh and I says, she said,
"Don't worry, honey. He'll be back in
six weeks." And he just the cycle. That
was it. So I learned that my grandfather
people come in and papa, my grandfather
never kept books. He just kept all his
money in his pocket. He worked. That's
how he worked. Immigrant from Italy. And
papa say, "Uh, they come and say, "Hey
pop, no matter who they were, "Hey papa,
can I borrow five? Can I have five?" He
said, "Sure, honey." Called everybody
honey. He said, "Here's a broom and
shovel. Go up and clean the parking lot
and I'll give you the five." I
understood you had to do something for
the five. Okay.
>> Right.
>> He he says they say, "Papa, I'll be
right back." He looked at me and he
smiled. He said, "Don't worry, Joe." He
said, "Only about half of them take me
up on it." So I knew I knew you had to
do something. Now that's
>> that's a filtering mechanism.
>> Yeah.
>> And it relates directly to your belief
though in
>> having a work requirement.
>> I wanted a work requirement for anybody
capable able-bodied to work. And here's
the thing. They got on me said MMsion's
killing child tax credits. I says I'm
killing child tax credits.
>> Right.
>> First of all, you have child tax credits
up to $400,000 of income. You really
want to know who needs the child tax
credits? people right above the poverty
guideline, mostly single females, above
25,000 a year up to about 75. They need
it, okay? And they're working. Please
help them. Okay? And I'd go into all of
this, Jason and Shimoth, and then and
then they and they said, "Oh, no. We got
to do this, that, across the board." I
said, ' Don't you think that rather than
just sending checks to people that have
children that don't work and won't work
and sitting at home, why would they need
child care money when they're sitting
home with their ch children? I said,
that makes no sense to me at all. I
can't go home and explain it. And my
northstar has been this as long as I've
been in political life. if I can't go
back to my little hometown of Farmington
or the people I grew up with and explain
it cuz I knew they wouldn't let me get
by with anything. They'd hold your feet
to the fire and that's where that's how
it is and never changed.
>> Do you think that we're now in sort of
this intractable period where there
can't be any centism? There can't be
this idea that you work and then you
earn something that there's that dignity
of work. Instead, it's these extremes
that are constantly about what giveaway
can I give to people to get them on my
side. Is that where we are?
>> Let me give you the other thing about me
and Bernie one time talking and Bernie
wanted free tuition, right? Always
wanted free tuition and then they
finally they thought, well, we got we'll
get it free if we go junior colleges. I
says, I'm not for anything free. I'm for
earning it. Here's what I'm going to
tell you. If first they talked about
free college. I says I says Bernie my
son's at that time 40ome years old. I
said my son's 40 years old. If you had
free education, free tuition, he'd still
be in school. He liked it [laughter] so
much. I said he liked it so much he'd
still be there
>> later. [laughter]
>> So anyway, I said no, I'm not for that.
And I so I said, let me tell you about
free. If we if we identified skill sets
that we're need and we can teach them in
junior colleges,
have them sign up, get a Stafford loan,
guaranteed federal loan, they don't pay
it back until basically, you know, until
they finish their education. So, if they
finish in two years, they took a
Stafford loan, they took what they
needed to get educated on, they took a
Stafford loan in a two-year community
college, they get a degree in a skill
set, we forgive it. They've earned it.
You didn't give it on the front end.
Because let me tell you what happens on
the front end. Only half of them ever
get through maybe a 25%. You know, they
go for four years, you know, and you I
don't know if you know how they give
money. There's no financial literacy
required at all.
>> You all have to do is show the income of
your family and you're they have a a
scale they go by or you can get 12,000 a
year. You might only need four. I'll
guarantee you. You tell a kid that comes
from poverty and you tell them they can
get 12,000, they'll take it all.
>> They're going to take it all. They don't
know what they don't know what acred
interest is. They don't know about
paying this back. It's a death trap.
They don't know any of that. They drop
out in two years for one reason or
another. Then it all comes due. They had
had a payment up until then.
>> No one's explaining anything. And I said
told Elizabeth Warren, I says, "Liz,
can't we just change the Stafford
program to where you have to have
financial literacy? You cannot get a
loan without financial literacy."
>> What was her answer?
>> I It didn't happen. Let's just put it
that Yeah, put it that way. What what's
driving I mean I understand populism, I
understand trying to buy votes, but what
at the core in your opinion drives these
individuals who think that not learning
to sustain yourself in society and to
get all of these freebies?
What's in their mind? What are they
missing about just the basic human
condition that we have to work for
stuff? the the human operating system is
we need challenges and when you don't
have purpose in life it's it's a road
it's that's the primrose path it's not a
a good place to go you know I don't mind
it's devil's playground as my
grandmother would say rest in peace
>> let me say to both of you all about what
has happened in this political process
and I've come to the conclusion we need
to have term limits and I'm going to
tell you how I came to that conclusion
when I was a governor I was doing a town
hall meeting in southern west Virginia a
little lady got stood up in the back and
she said Joe I wish you were for term
limit And I said, "Well, tell me why,
Suz." I I knew her and Susie, I said,
"Tell me why." She says, "Well, I just
think this would be it'd be better for
us to have turnover." And I says, and I
wasn't for it. And I I gave her all the
reasons. I said, "You're going to lose
your most experienced people with the
talent and know how." Boom, boom, boom.
I went through everything. She said,
"Joe, think of it this way. If we had
term limits, maybe we get one good term
out of you."
I had no comeback. She convinced me
right there. And from that point on,
I've been for term limits. And I'm more
for it today than I've ever been for it.
And I'm I'm And the reason I'm telling
you, yeah, maybe we'd get one good term
where you'd have the courage to do the
conviction with the oath you took to
defend and protect the Constitution, do
the job, put country before party, quit
playing this game, quit worrying about
getting reelected. And it's gotten to
the point now public service truly when
he said John Kennley says the most
noblest of all profession public service
that's gone. It's fame and fortune now.
I get in there I can keep turnurning it
and churn it and churning it. And I've
just said that basically the Senate two
six-year terms is enough. 12 years is
enough.
>> Let's actually look inside the political
parties for one second.
>> Oh boy.
>> Let's start with maybe an easy one, but
it's actually quite maybe a nuanced
answer. Tell us who you think are the
two most
dynamic senators, one Democrat, one
Republican.
>> I was thinking about that because if I
was you, I would have been asking the
same question. I I can I can name six or
seven on both sides.
>> Oh, please. Yeah, let's take
>> Yeah, let's go.
>> And when I'm saying that, people that
I've worked with, I know I know their
DNA. Okay.
>> Yeah. First of all, I'm going to always
be always be u differential to former
governors.
A governor can't afford to be a governor
of one side. And I'll give you the most
perfect simplest answer to that is that
pothole that busted my tire and
basically bent my rim and messed my car
up did not have a Democrat or Republican
name on it.
>> But I was responsible for making sure
the repairs on the roads didn't do that.
Okay. So you like Senator King, Angus
King from Maine, former governor. You
have Mark Warner, Virginia, former
governor. Tim Kaine, former governor.
You have Jean Shaheen, former governor.
Maggie Hassan, former governor. You have
Mike Rounds, former governor. John
Hovind, former governor. Lisa Marowsky
and Susan Collins were always my go-to
people on the Republican side. And Mitt
Romney, two of three of the best of the
best. You could always work with them
because they were always looking to do
the right thing. They didn't care about
politics. And then I always had you got
Senator Cortez Masto, you have uh you
know there's so many Jackie Rosen on the
Tom Tillis on the on the Senate side on
the Republican side. Bill Cassidy is one
of the best of the best. Bill Cassidy is
bright, sharp, always wanting to do the
right thing, always very very articulate
and he will get down to the nitty-gritty
and go into the depths of it to find out
an answer. And you got Mike Rounds,
former governor, great guy. South
Dakota. These are people that I know
have the ability to do it, to make it
happen. You just got to push, push,
push. I was asked a question the other
day, uh, Shamath, about what would you
do, Joe, if you were still there? If I
was king for a day and I had the ability
to use the Roosevelt room in the White
House, I'd bring him over. I'd put him
in the room. I'd put Schumer and put
John Thun and put his their teams
together and say, "Guys, you're not
getting out till you come to a deal.
This is not that hard." Here's what
we're not Everybody's wanting to blame.
Who's whose fault is it? Let's let's
look at whose responsibility it is. Not
fault. Whose responsibility?
My friends in the Republican party have
the trifecta.
President's Republican, House is
Republican, Senate's Republican. You
have the mantle. You have the agavel.
You've got to keep the keep the train
running. You got to keep this place
open. And I've said this, I know that
the president has the ability to do
that.
But you you can't always have politics
driving the end result to do your job,
and that's to keep it open. But I've
never voted for a shutdown. I've gotten
caught in a couple shutdowns, but I
never voted for them. and they're tough
to get out of because people get
ingrained and get they get in like
there's se feeder and cement can't get
out. So I think the president has to
move this and I've said this our great
country and the president with his
leadership over in the Middle East is
able to get Hamas and the Israelis to
sit down and make a deal. Surely to God
I know the president can get a Democrat
and Republicans to make a deal. I know
that. But everybody's got to quit
playing the politics because of what the
what the outcome of the 26 election.
It'll take care of itself.
>> Which group hates each other more,
>> Democrats, Republicans, or
>> Oh, that's a good question. Yeah,
>> I was going to say like which one hates
each other more in your opinion.
>> It's a shame. Let me tell this is such
an easy lift. You know what happened
with this healthcare thing?
>> I was right in the middle of this whole
thing. I know exactly when they did the
Affordable Care Act and you remember in
2017 that um John McCain made the famous
vote voted down. Okay. Yep. Yep.
>> I was in the back hallway when all that
unfolded back of the Senate before John
came out and made his vote and John been
getting pressured heavily by the White
House President Trump and his staff by
that at that time. John finally walked
out and getting ready to walk out and he
was sitting there and I came through the
hallway and I said, "John, listen. I'm
not crazy about this Affordable Care Act
the way it you have to be forced to buy
a product whether you like it or not.
You can't shop it and you're fine if you
don't. The penalties makes no sense. I
said, "But John, if the Republicans have
anything they can give us, I probably
support it and vote for it. They don't
have anything to replace it with." And
what it did do, it helped it helped poor
working people that that were that were
using the emergency room and were using
workers compensation for the only
deliveries that they had for uh for
their health care. So, and then
pre-existing condition, we stopped that
from being eliminated from the process.
So, people could get for the first time
any type of care. So, that was good, but
somebody had to pay for it. So, they
switched it. Once you got above the 150
percentile of poverty, then you were hit
pretty hard to pay for what we're giving
away on this end. That means you have a
broken system. Sooner or later, you got
to fix the system. And no one was
willing to fix it. They're just moving
it around. So the Democrats when COVID
hit, hot dog, that's our time to shine
now. Let's go ahead. And man, they went
to 400% and even greater,
>> right?
>> Republicans are saying, can't we just
get back, which is a normal thing. Can
you get back to precoid? Well, it's hard
to take something back, Jason and
Shimoth, once you you got up there
because now what you can do is say,
"Okay, for one year, we're going to
extend this for one year. We're going to
come from 400 to 200. We're going to
gradually get back and we're going to
try to fix our delivery system of health
care. The insurance companies, insurance
companies are running health care. It's
not the professional doctors, the
professional healthcare. It's insurance
telling you what you can, what you
can't, what you're paying for, chasing
the dollars.
>> That has to change, but someone has to
be willing to do it. So, that's where we
are. There's a an issue, Joe, which is
that they're also talking about the
unintended consequences of the cost we
have to bear for folks that don't have a
legal immigration status, right? That
there's
>> a burden that that includes.
[clears throat]
Can you give us your opinion on and you
can expand immigration whatever
>> immigration and but maybe you can start
with the healthcare because I think
that's the that's the wedge issue that
seems to be slowing everybody down and
maybe give us a
>> Well, the Democrats are telling you that
that that it's that's not in there that
im that illegal immigrants who've come
to this country are not getting the
benefits of of of uh the citizens of our
country when they hit hard times. And
people will say, "Well, why did you
write this this this in in your uh in
your um declaration of what you want
done as far as to bring the, you know,
to bring it back and let's get going
again." You put that in one of your
demands.
There's some reference to that in the
demand. So, it kind of showed what their
intentions were. The bottom line is is
that no, there's no way immigrants that
come here illegally and don't have a
pathway forward or we've been, you know,
into a working pathway forward. Uh that
should ever happen. You should never be
able to have benefits coming here. That
should not be attraction for that. And
that's what they're saying had happened.
I beg the Democrats, are you crazy about
doing asylum at the border? We've never
done that.
>> Mhm. We had a 2013 piece of legislation
by bipartisanship at that time. It was a
bipartisan gang of eight to put it
together and we passed it with 68 or 69
votes in the Senate. Senate to the
House. John Boehner, I beg John Boehner
to put it on the floor. I like John
Boehner. He's a friend of mine. John
says, "Joe, I can't put it on. Eric
Caner just got defeated in Richmond
because a person from the far right
accused Eric Caner for supporting this
immigration reform." and they said it's
amnesty and by God, anybody that came
here the wrong way has got to get out of
here. We got to send them back. That
bill that we put together in a
bipartisan way that basically gave you
so many days, let's say 60, 90 days or
more, I forget the the term right the
amount right now to go to the courthouse
and turn yourself in, pay a fine for
misdemeanor. Let's say it was $750. And
then you would get in the back of the
queue. Well, once you turned yourself
in, we would know if you had any
criminal record or not. Then we knew how
who to go after because those people
been here for 10, 20, 30 years. They
brought little children here now who are
adults serving in the military and
basically professing teaching in our
schools. These are productive,
supportive. They love the country as
much if not more than Americans that
were born here. So, this is what gets
me. We had that bill and couldn't get it
because they were afraid that he would
lose the right. He lost them anyway. The
far right wasn't going. Tea Party at
that time wasn't going to go. But John
could have put it on the floor and it
would have passed. And I think if you
talk to John,
>> do you think Americans would be shocked
if we really knew the inner workings to
understand that at the end of the day,
bipartisan coalitions and reforms
literally stop on a dime on all number
of issues because a person one day
interprets and reads the tea leaves and
says yes, no, yes, no. Is that mean is
that really basically what happens?
>> Well, let's let's look at here. Let me
give you the most the easiest thing we
could have done with uh uh there's two
things. Don't ask, don't tell. And then
you have uh the DOBS act as far as on on
uh uh
abortion. Okay. With the Supreme Court.
>> Sure.
>> Well, the Supreme Court, you know, on
that we've lived uh with Roie Wade for
50 years of unprecedented law. It was
unprecedented law. I mean 50. We never
codified it through the legislature, but
the courts it was precedented. Now all
of a sudden that blows apart and
everybody gets torn apart. All they had
to do was just codify Roe vie Wade.
That's all we had to do. And I I teamed
up with Lisa Marowsky and and Susan
Collins and we had a bill that all we
did simply codify. It wasn't it wasn't
pro-life enough and it wasn't pro-choice
enough. But it's something we learned to
navigate for 50 years. Well, guess what?
Our Democrat friends wanted to open up
wide wide open abortions up. Okay, they
can tell you what they want, what they
intended, but that's exactly what they
were trying to do. And I told him, I
says, I called him out. I says, "Are you
going to try to explain to people to
make them believe what you this piece of
legislation you're trying to put through
on the freedom of choice is going to be
uh just codifying Roie Wayade? That is
so insincere and I will not have any
part of it." And then the Republicans
want to just double down. I mean, make
it crim criminalizing abortions. We
couldn't because of politics and and
I've seen things like that that we had
it right in the palm of our hand and let
it slip through and we could have done
that and that's on the we could have
done the immigration uh and right now
you'd never be in this immigration fact.
A lot of this history gets swept under
the rug because nobody really knows what
was possible because people like you
typically don't leave and then write a
book like this to kind of just share all
of it. And then part of it is then when
you do share unless people like us help
amplify these stories, it's never said
and it's never it's never really well
understood.
>> The biggest problem, Shimarth, is this.
Very few people who have been in
political life and had any notoriety at
all have a they they have almost an
impossible
time of saying, "I got it wrong. I made
a mistake.
>> I tried. I thought I had the answers,
but I didn't. I misread that one." You
How many times have you heard anybody in
politics today or have been in politics
can still say that I screwed up royally
on don't ask don't tell? And I'll tell
you why. I was there my first 2011. All
the joint chiefs of staff were there and
explaining and Obama wanted to get rid
of it. Okay? Because before everybody uh
kind of kept a don't ask don't tell.
That was a Bill Clinton thing. Let's
let's let's let let bygones be bygones.
Let let the sleeping dog lie. Well, it
came out now. Obama wanted to get rid of
it. Okay. And then I'm listening to
everybody talk. It got down to the
comedant of the Marines and the Marine
comedant said, "Listen, General." He
says, "I've got 50% of my troops on the
battle line right now. This is a heck of
a policy change. Could jeopardize the
welfare and well-being of my troops."
So, I was against it. I said, "Don't get
rid of it." No. No. That means if you
were, you know, if you were known uh to
be uh gay, then you could not serve. I
was totally wrong on that because it
they went ahead and passed it. Thank
goodness. And then I found out that it
didn't change anything. Everybody
already knew. Everybody knew who was who
and what their pre sexual preferences
were. It didn't affect their their
ability to fight or defend our country.
So, I made a mistake. I got that wrong
>> and I lived up to it. And I said, "I
made a mistake. I'm sorry, but I thought
I was doing the right thing listening to
a professional." So, those things
happen. But I I don't know how we get to
that. And that's why I kept saying if we
had two six-year terms for a senator,
six two-year terms from a House member,
one 18-year term for the United States
Supreme Court, and one six-year term for
the president, maybe we could all do a
better job by not worrying about the
next election.
>> You know, as we get towards the end of
our time, I want to talk to you a little
bit about how dysfunctional and
unpopular
uh the Democrats and the Republicans
have been the last couple of years since
Nixon. Uh I think Trump's first and
second term both uh you know 30 I think
he's about 37% approval rating right
now. Uh Biden ended with like 34%. He
was averaging about 40%. People really
are not happy with their choices and
there's a no labels group. I've been
kind of mocked and dismissed here on
this very podcast talking about I think
there's a perfect time for a third
party. And uh you know we had Ross
Perau, people forget he got 19% I
believe of the uh popular vote. You are
in my camp.
>> You believe there's a possibility and
that we're primed for it. Give your um
give your best um explanation of why you
think now is the time for a third party
to challenge these two extremely
unpopular parties.
>> Jason, we've got to change the process
of how we know you have a duopoly right
now. The duopoly is a business monopoly
almost, but it's a duopoly. You have the
corporation of the Republican and the
corporation of the Democrat and that's a
business mode and they can control the
flow. So how do you control the flow? By
the primaries you can say well it's by
redistricting and all this. It's really
the primary process. The primary process
is this. I cannot being a no party
affiliate right now an independent
that's that's my registration. If I want
to vote for a friend of mine who's a
Republican in West Virginia, the
Republican party in West Virginia will
not let me vote in their primary unless
I register Republican. The Democrats do
the same all over the country. They do
that. they close them down cuz if they
can control the flow and you have maybe
during a uh let's say the 2024 election
let's say 24 million people maybe 11 or
12 on each side DNR
participated in the p national primary
but 160 million of us voted in the
general election
but 24 million people made a decision on
our choices that's it [clears throat]
>> and what I've said this is our democracy
is still a experiment we thought we
could govern Ourel and by governing
yourself that means we can pick
representatives that represent us. I
can't even vote. So how am I I can't
participate.
>> 45 to 50% of us can't participate in the
primary process. We're the largest
nomination of of registered voters who
can't participate.
>> You're referring, of course,
independence.
>> Independence. No party affiliation.
Independence. There's only about 23 24%
that are registered Democrats. about 27
28 I think registered Republicans. The
rest are like myself. And I said,
>> "Wait a minute. The the the Voting
Rights Act, they took that, you know, to
the court uh about the African-Americans
not having the right to participate and
vote and they won that one. Why don't we
take this to court? Why don't we do this
on this podcast? You all take off with
it and run with it. It should be we're
not I am not able to be represented and
I can't pick a representative cuz I
can't participate.
>> Let me just summarize what you're
saying. You think there's a legal avenue
under the Voting Rights Act that says
what we really need is first pass the
post or some form of electoral form.
Otherwise, if you just do it via these
primaries, we're getting
disenfranchised. My position is this
that the majority of people who are
registered to participate in a general
election in the United States of America
are are basically prevented from
participating in the primary process of
electing who you're going to vote for in
the general. I think there definitely is
a court procedure that could could
remedy this and basically stop these
closed primaries.
>> Mhm.
>> Let's talk about 26 just specifically.
What do you think happens in the Senate
and the House? What is the balance of
power in your mind coming out of the
2016 election?
>> The only thing I have I have said and I
will continue to say this because my
Republican friends are the only ones
that are saying we will not get rid of
the filibuster in the United States
Senate.
And I hold that I hold them to their
word. These are my friends, John John
Thun and his and his staff and and all
of his people on his leadership team.
And I hope the Republicans keep the
Senate.
Now, for that, if you want a little bit
of balance of power to change challenge
a little bit, calm it down a little bit,
then you'd want the Democrats to win the
House, the Congress.
And if that could happen, then it might
calm it down. We've got to calm it down.
We got to we got to turn down the
temperature. And if that would turn it
down, maybe fine because when you have
the trifecta, you can keep throwing
stuff up there and pushing things pretty
darn hard. Joe, I know that Jason has a
final question, which I'll let him do,
but I want to I want to give you my
question.
>> Okay.
>> Let's start with from when you went into
the Senate to now when you're leaving.
Yeah.
>> President Obama, then President Trump,
then President Biden, and now President
Trump.
>> Give us the expectation
versus the outcome
on what you've seen from these four
presidential terms, if you will.
expectation versus outcome for for these
four periods.
>> Expectation on Obama was was that he was
bringing a complete different scenario
to it. an all-inclusive scenario as you
will every now it was possibility for
all of us to participate no matter what
your gender what your race were boom
boom boom so with that we were expecting
an awful lot and I think he had a lot of
compassion but he just it just didn't
communicate well with the legislature I
didn't know that because I didn't serve
with him until I got there at the end of
2010 2011 and I could see you've got to
participate you've got to get involved
you got to call them over to the White
House and work him. I thought he could
have done a lot more with that to get
better participation. And basically, we
got rid. They got rid of the filibuster.
We lost the filibuster for the uh judges
judicial system and I wasn't upset by
losing him for basically appointments
that were will and pleasure, but it went
further than that. So, that I think that
help that hap helped erode a lot of the
checks and balances we had. Then it went
further after that, too. So, with that
being said, then you go right in from
there. And then we have uh Trump. We
didn't know what to expect, but we were
thinking, here's a businessman
always told us how successful and things
of this we were expecting some things.
And I I met with him from day one and
when 2016
uh and talked to him and then I met with
him 2017 2018 and there's a cute thing
in the book there when you go through my
book about he said he wasn't going to
campaign against me in 2018. He liked
me. I'm his friend. Well, he ended up
coming six times to my state and they
spent an extra 25 million trying to beat
me. And then afterwards, he calls me one
week later, "Come have lunch with me."
And I walk in, he says, "I told you we
couldn't beat him." And I'm thinking,
"Well, Jesus, what the hell am I going
to say?" It wasn't for lack of trying.
He says, "Oh, Joe, you know I didn't
want to beat you." I says, "I knew you
weren't serious, Mr. President. If you
were serious, you'd have spent 50
million and came 12 times."
So, [laughter]
so that's what I'm dealing with. But a
lot of the things he did, I was more in
sync with what he was doing because he
understood we had to have an all-in
energy policy.
>> Yeah.
>> Well, and I still would tell him, I
said, "Mr. President, we need
everything. We need oil. We need gas. We
need coal. We need to use the
technology." I said, "You cannot
eliminate your way to clean environment.
You can innovate it, but you can't
eliminate it. You've got to use
technology." Boom. So, he was more in
tune with what I was trying to push
through than my Democrat base was and
the people I was working with. And then
we have Joe Biden who I had an awful lot
of, oh man, here's a guy I've worked
with for a long time. And in Joe Biden,
when there was a shutdown with Ted Cruz
in 2013, I'll never forget this. It was
Biden uh Obama sends Joe Biden to make a
deal. Open this government up, get a
deal done. Joe Biden goes directly to
Mitch McConnell, sits down, old buddies
and old friends. They cut a deal. We
open the Cong We open the government
back up. And I went into caucus the next
the next week. go in the caucus with the
Democrats. And uh Harry Reid says, "I
told President Obama, don't ever send
that damn Joe Biden back to make a deal.
We don't want him here at all making a
deal for Democrats." Now he's the
president. Okay. Going to be the
president. I think, boy, we got it now.
And boy, was that a let down. Went far
to the left. And I don't think that was
in his heart. But he came out of Iowa
bad. Came out of New Hampshire even
worse. went to South Carolina, got
resurrected, and within three weeks,
everybody dropped south. Hadn't make a
deal, I think, with the wrong side of
that, and try to calm it down. And just
for the sake of being president, I think
he had to sign up, and his people took
him to the promised land of the far
left, which has no return. Now, with
with I think President Trump has a
chance to be monumental in what he can
do because he has that support from a
real strong base. I want to see the
compassion. I want to see the man that
could just charm you when you walk in
and talk to him. I want to see that
being shown now. He is the perfect
president for the Middle East. Strong
man, strong arm. He I say what I mean. I
mean what I say and boom, boom, boom.
Using my military might work in the
western part of the world where we have
diplomacy. We work we give and take a
little bit. He's a good enough of a
negotiator to understand that, but
they're still playing his people are
pushing him to stay hard hard. And it's
just not it's not what we need right now
in America. We need a leader with that
compassion, but the ability to bring us
together and make us work together in
the United States.
>> Last question before I give it to Jason
for the last last question. If you had
to if you had to think about 2028
people that are on both sides I think I
think the Republicans mostly the dy cast
but let's not frontr run that but on the
Democratic side maybe if you will who
are some people that you think could
bring some normaly
try to veer that party back to more of
the center are there younger emerging
people that you see in the Democratic
caucus and in the democratic party that
you think has this potential.
>> I'm not sure it's going to come out if
we have anybody when the United States
Senate on the Democrat side. I people
that are capable, Mark Warner, my dear
friend, I know he's capable is all the
all the get get out, but I'm just not
sure you're going to break loose because
you get you get identified. You get
labeled. You know, you're in that
Democrat party that was just so far to
the left and this and that. It's going
to be somebody coming whether it's going
to be a governor or an upand cominging
uh statesman within the party or it
could be you know someone's talked about
Stephen A. Smith, you know, Stephen.
>> Yeah.
>> I mean, he is incredible. I'm going to
tell you one thing.
>> Incredibly dynamic.
>> He's as center left, center right as you
want. He can go both. He's not going to
go extreme.
>> As good as it gets. There's a lot of
good people, I think, could rise up.
Now, will the Democratic party accept
him? The Democrat party has been has has
been basically uh uh taken over by the
extremes. Okay? And they say, "Well, the
MAGA party's taken over the Republican
party. The Grand Old Party wants to be
grand again. Democrats want to be
responsible and compassionate. Again, I
tell people I'm fiscally responsible and
socially compassionate, which I think
most Americans are. But, uh, and then
you have I know Steven Basher. I mean, I
know Andy Basher. I served with his dad.
We were governors together.
>> I know good family. I know those people.
So, there's going to be some people rise
up that might be surprising. Shapiro. Do
you think that there are entrepreneurs
like Donald Trump but on the left or do
you think that that avenue is closed for
business people on the Democratic side?
>> I wouldn't think so because a business
person on the Democratic side could come
across with a heart and a soul and be a
little bit more a little bit more softer
in their approach, you know, and I think
be able to hit a nerve there. We have
someone with the smarts to do it and we
have someone with the compassion but
also the strength to make sure that we
remain I I'm concerned my biggest
concern I have is what Mike Mullen told
me in 2011 my first armed services
meeting Shimat and Jason I sat there I I
wanted they asked the question what's
the greatest fear the United States of
America has right today and that's 2011
I thought he's going to talk about China
about North Korea about Iran on and on
and on he never missed a beat within one
second he says the debt of the nation
will take us down. We will fold because
the debt we have and it's going to be
unmanaged debt which will make us lead
us to make cowardly decisions and we're
at 37 trillion. One every $5 that we
receive for revenue to run our country
takes $1 of that 20% just to pay the
debt on our our interest our interest on
our debt.
>> That's horrible.
>> Praise him. Jamie Diamond, Bob Iger come
to mind.
>> Absolutely. that big. I mean,
>> I I would be receptive to all there's a
lot of good people. I think it's going
to [clears throat] be very interesting.
The Democratic party will have to get
out of its own way and his ideology
left.
>> People aren't going that direction. Let
me give you one other thing, Jason, to
think about.
>> Bernie and and and AOC is going around
the country with these rallies and
rallies.
>> Yeah.
>> If that was effective and that's where
the country's going, why has the
Democrats lost
lost basically people who were
registered? They've lost registration of
over 100,000 people who've left the
Democratic party since they've started
that crusade.
>> Nobody wants it. It's a road to nowhere.
>> No, that's exactly right.
>> Wow. Big Joe, you you've been so uh
honest and candid here. It's okay if I
call you Big Joe because
>> I just I don't know. I've been called
Big Joe. You know what Joe Biden called
me. He says, "Jojo." I could always tell
if he was in a good mood with me. He
said, "Hey, Jojo, what's going on?" And
if he was pissed, "Hey, Joe, what's
wrong?"
>> Oh. Oh, [laughter] yeah. I'll just call
you big Joe because I got a lot of
respect for you. Um,
>> okay.
>> You've been so honest today and so uh
you can be permission to be totally
candid here. How close did you come to
running as an independent for president
and you can be especially candid about
this. How would you now that you got
this great book and a great track record
obviously a profile and courage. How
would you make the decision to run
yourself in 2020? Walk us through both.
I think about first of all, I would have
loved to have been and I begged the
Democratic party to have a mini primary,
30-day primary when Joe Biden
>> love it.
>> I I begged him. I said, "You had to you
had to dispel some of the things that
they were labeled with." And not every
Democrat believed in that. That would
have been a time to dispel a lot of that
stuff. But boy, when he come doubled
down and came right back within what, an
hour or two and threw everything behind
Kla Harris, it was over. And uh you know
her I knew we were in trouble then. Uh I
would have loved to been on that das.
>> Would you have run in a speedrun? Would
you have put yourself out there in a
speedrun?
>> I'd have been right in there. I'd have
I'd done everything I could to be
talking about things that we're talking
about now. Do we need energy?
Absolutely. Don't turn your back on
energy. This is make sure we do it
better than anybody in the world. Uh do
you need do you need a strong border?
Well, let me ask you something. You all
have property lines. When you buy a
piece of property and a house, you
either build a fence or you lived in a
gated area, you want to protect your
property. Why can't we protect our
borders, but also have an legal
immigration policy that works. I got to
brought all of that stuff out. And I
think a lot of Democrats believe like I
do, but they've gone so far to the left
they can't retreat.
>> And if they don't get out of their way,
they're going to go down in defeat.
>> And so 2028 to Jason's question.
>> Yeah. Well, 2028, guys. I mean, if we'll
have to see. I'll do anything I can to
help my country. But, you know, I want
to make sure 2028 I will be what? I'm 78
years old right now.
>> I'm going to be 81. Same as Biden, close
to Trump. Yeah. And you're sharp as
attack.
>> And I'm I'm a year younger. I'll be the
I'll give you something. Mitt Romney and
I were talking about running. I said, "
Mitt," he said, "Joe, let's we have to
start a new party." I said, "What would
it be, man?" He said, "We'll call it the
not stupid party."
>> I said, "Hell, my question is why we're
involved then." Yeah. And [laughter]
And then
>> what are we doing here?
>> Yeah. And then I said, "Well, man, what
do you think?" He said, "Joe, listen."
He said, "They don't want two old white
guys running." And I said, "We're the
youngest ones out there right now."
Yeah, you're whippers snappers.
[laughter]
We were both of your younger. We have a
lot of fun with that. We talked a lot.
Anyway, look, we'll just see what
happens. I'm going to I'm going to be
involved every way I can. And the good
Lord gives me the health and strength to
participate. Any way I possibly can, I
will. But I guarantee I'll be trying to
find the right people that put country
before party and all the behind
him and let's get this country back on
track.
>> Heck yes.
>> Well, Joe, by the book,
>> on behalf of the
>> All-In community, I just want to say
thank you for your years of service. Buy
the book.
>> Yeah, center in defense of common sense.
Don't be stupid.
>> Your daughter is incredible. Heather is
the best.
>> Heather is a force and you know that she
thinks the world of you and your wife,
your family. So, I'm just so happy that
we got to spend a little time together
and I look forward to coming out and
with you all and Jason to meet with
>> you. Come do a live one. Yeah, we'll
talk.
>> Let's do a live one. Oh, we'll have one
hell of a poker party.
>> That'll be That'll be a bar. Ladies and
gentlemen, there's your hour with Joe
Mansion.
>> Thank you. [music]
>> I'm going all in.
Ask follow-up questions or revisit key timestamps.
The All-In podcast team interviews Senator Joe Manchin regarding his new book, 'Dead Center: In Defense of Common Sense.' The discussion covers Manchin's political career, his views on the filibuster, his resistance to the Build Back Better legislation during the Biden administration, and his perspective on the current state of American politics, emphasizing the need for bipartisanship, fiscal responsibility, and the dignity of work.
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