Bringing Complex Concepts down to Earth
1328 segments
My name is
assistant professor the school of
complex adaptive systems here Arizona
State University uh enrolled member the
d tribe and I'm going to be talking
about my work and going through a bunch
of projects that are ongoing uh
incomplete and at various stages of
development. All right. So, I'm going to
start off by introducing myself. Then,
I'm going to talk about some of my
different projects. And if there's time
at the end, I'll get into some of my
peculiar interests and some provocations
to encourage discussion. This is me 10
years ago. I got my PhD here at Arizona
State University at the Center for
Biology and Society. And I wanted to
know what's the meaning of meaning? But
that's too broad a question uh to do a
dissertation on. So, I narrowed it down
here. into what's the meaning of meaning
in the context of behavioral experiments
aimed at discovering physiological
mechanisms
and I feel like I found some clarity in
trying to answer that question but I
still want to know more so that's
ongoing this is a little brief map of my
journey after ASU I was a visiting
graduate fellow at the Minnesota center
for philosophy of science then I was a
posttock at the University of Kentucky
and then I was a posttock at the Santa
Fe Institute before coming back here uh
and starting in August last August 2024.
And now my office is right here in this
building where the people who are in
person are sitting. It's all nearby here
in the ECA.
And uh my research at this point
basically has two main areas. One is the
history and philosophy of science.
That's what I've been doing the longest.
And then the other one is research
relevant to indigenous data sovereignty.
And I'll get into sort of what that is
later on in the talk. And the way I see
it, the sort of connecting
tissue between these two areas of my
research right now, it's methodological
and it's me using the same methodology
to clarify the meanings of complex
concepts.
So, I'm going to start out with the
history some some history and philosophy
of science stuff I have going on before
moving on to the indigenous data
sovereignty stuff.
Uh so last semester uh I collaborated
with Pedro Marquez Zacharas and Max
Stressowl
on sort of coming up with something to
submit to this event that was happening
at the Minnesota Center for Philosophy
of Science called Philosophy of Science
Past, Present, Future. And you can see
that the call was asking for people to
reflect on the current state of
philosophy of science and its history
while setting an agenda for future
research. So I got thinking about sort
of philosophy of science history and
philosophy of science and
what's been happening where is it going
and where do I see myself in that story.
So just a little brief background here
for people. History of science and
philosophy of science can be separate
things. There's departments that are
just history of science. There's centers
like the Minnesota Center for Philosophy
of Science. They're just doing
philosophy of science uh at least
nominally.
And what's the basic difference between
these two sort of areas of inquiry?
Historians of science tend to make
narrative arguments about why science
happened the way it did. And they're
much more likely than philosophers to
bring in contextual factors like a
scientist's biography, their life
history, how that influenced the kind of
science they did, the technology that
was available to them, politics,
economics, culture, place, tradition,
all as sort of influential factors
shaping science.
Philosophers of science traditionally
are into reconstructing the logic of
scientific practices, scientific
theories and scientific explanations and
then assessing those theories, practices
and explanations according to sort of
logical norms.
Sometimes they bring philosophy problems
to science. So for instance a classic
philosophy question is what is the
truth? What's reality? And they'll sort
of take these questions that have a long
tradition within the western
philosophical cannon, bring them to
science and sort of come up with
arguments about like well what does it
mean to say that science is getting at
reality or that it uh generates true
statements
and then sometimes they bring science to
philosophy problems. So for instance,
you know, philosophers have been uh
trying to figure out what consciousness
is for a long time and some philosophers
of science will say, you know, recent
work in neuroscience, for instance, is
probably relevant to this long-standing
philosophical question. And so they'll
try to bring empirical evidence from
science to bear on the philosophical
questions. And I'm someone who believe,
you know, I do both of them. I like
doing both of them. And I believe to do
a good job at one, you're going to have
to engage in the other to some degree.
So I'm like an integrated history and
philosophy of science guy.
Uh and so in thinking about the history
of history and philosophy of science, uh
I was looking at sort of different
trends that have happened historically
over the last 200 years or so. And I
came up with this spectrum across which
you can categorize some things
happening. And one end of the spectrum
is the stance that scientists and
philosophers are basically
indistinguishable
like doing the same kinds of stuff. And
then on the other end of the spectrum is
this view that philosophy is separate of
or outside of biology.
Don't let them touch each other. They're
totally different things. And so there's
some different um styles or movements
and where they fit on the spectrum in my
opinion. And by biological philosophy,
I'm talking about a continental European
tradition, maybe people like Shelling,
where they are looking at sort of
developments in the life sciences.
They're thinking about the theory of
evolution and natural selection, and
they're like, what does this mean for
man's place in the universe? Like that
kind of philosophizing. And then there's
historical epistemology. This is like a
mainly French tradition. You're looking
at scientific concepts.
uh and they still see, you know, look,
we're different than the scientists
we're looking at, but it's not quite as
separated as at the other end.
Philosophy of biology, I would say, you
know, that's what's happening in most
places today comes from an Angloanalytic
tradition. They're closer to seeing
themselves as
interacting with scientists and working
on problems that matter to scientists.
And then at the far end the early 20th
century organicist and theoretical
biologists uh who you know saw
themselves as scientists but were also
saying a lot of very abstract
theoretical very philosophical things
and um that's where I see myself on the
spectrum currently the kind of history
and philosophy of science I'm doing. Uh
and then I started thinking it'd be nice
to get some kind of empirical evidence
to bear on this question of what is
going on in the history and philosophy
of science as a discipline. And so I
thought how would I do that? And here
was the entryway. I picked a
professional academic society called
ampersand HPS stands for integrated
history and philosophy of science. So
it's a bunch of people who like me think
you got to be doing both at the same
time to do either well. Um and they're a
pretty new organization. They had their
first meeting in 2007 and they meet once
every other year. So they're coming up
on their 10th meeting here uh sometime
this spring.
And what I did is I collected and read
every abstract for every presentation
that's happened uh in the first seven
meetings. I wanted to do them all, but I
severely underestimated how long this
would take. Also had trouble getting all
of the abstracts. They're not all just
out there on the internet. So I'm, you
know, hounding people to send me things.
uh but I can present some of the results
from analyzing the first seven meetings
of integrated HPS. And so one of the
things I did is I came up with a coding
system where after reading a bunch of
them I thought about what are the main
things people are doing these
presentations or at least claim to be
doing since I didn't watch the
presentations themselves just the
abstract describing.
Um and this is a list of things I came
up with. So one presentation can do
multiple things simultaneously.
So like programmatic meta history and
philosophy of science. These are
presentations where they're like making
arguments about how you should do the
history philosophy of science
or a sort of H for P case standing for
history for philosophy case. This is uh
using a historical case study from some
time in the history of science and using
it to justify more general philosophical
claims usually about how science works.
So they're like, you know, this is how
this kind of scientist does things.
Look, here's a case that shows it.
And these three are the most popular
things that historians and philosophers
of science are doing.
uh pra concept that's there it's mostly
like a historical narrative argument but
the narrative focuses on abstract
philosophical concepts so it's sort of
like telling the history of a concept
and then P4 big was popular uh this is
sort of like history of science is
important whatever topic they're working
on is just important for its own sake
and what this really represents in the
literature is uh like the fascination
with big figures in science. So like
Isaac Newton for instance, no one feels
the need to justify getting into the
extreme minutia of anything Isaac Newton
ever did because it's just assumed that
it's going to be important because it's
new. And so there's a lot of history and
philosophy of science that falls into
that kind of category.
>> Hey, Kelly.
>> Yeah. What's philosophical cleanup?
philosophical cleanup
uh is that there's some episode in the
history of science which is sort of
widely regarded as confusing or uh
messy. People like don't know what's at
stake or what's even going on. And then
the philosopher comes in is like I'm
going to clean up this situation. I'm
going to draw a bunch of distinctions
and say this is this was this this was
that. And uh you know they may not solve
the problem but they'll at least be like
here's at least a framework for thinking
clearly about what happened in this
episode because everyone's using you
know often the same word maybe in
different ways across a whole bunch of
different disciplines that study science
like a sociologist of science historian
of science trying to philosophers trying
to step back like here's the once and
for all way of thinking about what was
happening
And I haven't had a chance to turn these
into graphs yet, but this it's just the
numbers on it for different meetings. Uh
like I said, one presentation can do
multiple things.
And you know, when I talk think about
myself and what I'm up to, this is
basically what I do as a historian,
philosopher of science, the
philosophical cleanup. Uh Paul was just
asking about new historical evidence. I
like to go into the archives, find
something that people have never talked
about before and then use it as evidence
in some kind of argument. I like telling
the history of concepts and uh you know
I'm very sort of anxious that the things
I do matter to scientists. I think that
that's important.
And so an example is this paper that I
wrote. Uh it does all the things
highlighted there. That's the style of
HPS it is and I'm very happy that uh
it's my most cited paper and almost all
the citations are from insect navigation
experimentalists. So it did make contact
with scientists predominantly.
So when are HPSers thinking about
what sort of span of dates within the
history of science? These are graphs
that are specific to each meeting.
I also compiled them into one where you
can see general trends. You can see that
uh you know the 20th century by far the
most popular time to be thinking about
science
and that's basically true for me too. I
fall into this trend. But I'm trying to
expand on both ends. I'm trying to get
closer to the present and I'm also
trying to push back into the late 1800s
right now. My research
What sciences are HPSers thinking about?
So again, one presentation could be
about multiple disciplines. Uh and the
first thing to note here is that the
x-axis is logarithmic. So you know it
looks like physics is ahead, but it's
actually really really far ahead.
There's like the complete domination of
physics in integrated HPS. Um biology is
next with half as many. And then after
you know physics, biology, chemistry,
Newton, just the person is the next most
popular thing. So that's what I mean
about like why the what was it? P4 big
category is so popular
and you know complexity not on there
doesn't appear but I'm going to change
that. I'm doing history and philosophy
of complex system science. And so one of
the projects I have going on in this
area is asking the question what
happened to cybernetics.
So it's one of the sort of forerunner
disciplines I would say of complex
system science and there is consensus
around that. People agree it's also a
sort of forerunner to today what we're
calling dynamical systems theory or
control theory.
uh and it sort of really made its first
splash in the public with this book
manifesto published I believe in 1948 by
the American mathematician Norbert
Weiner cybernetics or control and
communication in the animal and machine
and you can see by the subtitle that I
had sort of vaunting ambitions from the
start so says a study of vital
importance to psychologists
physiologists mathematicians
psychiatrists etc so cybernetics made a
lot of promises for a lot of different
areas of science but within theh
behavioral sciences, which are what I
like to think about. One of the big
promises they made was that they were
going to use newly formalized notions of
information, feedback, and control to
create a general, maybe universal theory
of behavior that would apply just as
well to humans, animals, and machines,
any kind of behavioral system.
And so, this is a sort of run through I
like to go through just to emphasize the
contested nature of cybernetics within
the history of science. So this is a
encyclopedia entry from the USSR 1956.
It says, "Cybernetics is a reactionary
pseudocience arising in the USA after
the second world war and receiving wide
dissemination in other capitalistic
countries."
Here this is a quote from one of
Kennedy's top aids that he wrote to the
president. It says, "Based on CIA
reports,
in October 1962, President Kennedy's top
aid wrote in an internal memo that
quote, "The all-out Soviet commitment to
cybernetics would give the Soviets a
tremendous advantage." He warned that by
1970, the USSR may have a radically new
production technology managed by closed
loop feedback control employing
self-eing computers. If the American
negligence of cybernevs continues, he
concluded, we're finished. So this is
probably familiar to a lot of us right
now. China and AI for instance repeating
itself history repeating itself here.
Also we have uh Salvador Aend's
government in Chile socialist
government. Uh he creates something
called cyersin. It's this room and it's
supposed to be a sort of central
planning and control zone for the
economy. And so it's supposed to be
hooked up to factories to keep track of
production, uh, stores to keep track of
demand, and to keep all of his people.
And it was largely created by this this
crazy English guy named Stafford Beer.
He was a cybernetician.
He consulted for Aendai's government.
And he got into a fight with some sort
of US government officials in print. And
one of the things he says to them is
perhaps it's intolerable to sit in
Washington DC and to realize that
someone else got there first in a
Marxist country on a shoestring. As to
the horror of putting computers to work
in the service of the people, I would
sooner do it than calculate overkill,
spy on a citizen's creditworthiness, or
teach children some brand of rectitude.
Cyber sin was destroyed uh in the next
reg regime change in Chile. Here we have
a continental philosopher
Ponti from the phenomen phenomenological
tradition. He says in the ideology of
cybernetics, human creations are derived
from a natural information process. It's
self-conceived on the model of human
machines. If this kind of thinking were
to extend its reign to man in history,
if we were to set out to construct man
in history on the basis of a few
abstract indices, then since man really
becomes the manipulandum he takes
himself to be, we enter into a cultural
regimen where there is neither truth nor
falsity concerning man in history into a
sleep or a nightmare from which there is
no awakening.
Then here we have a television show from
the 80s called The Greatest Thinkers.
They did one episode on cybernetics and
Norbert Weiner.
It's like I don't have Oh, it's just
I also don't have audio. That's all
right. They don't say that much
specifically
except that's it's going to be a really
big deal for the future. They use the
phrase complex systems in the episode.
Where did my cursor go?
I'll skip the next one clip from here
too. But the host just concludes the
episode by saying uh cybernetics and
complex system science is the next step
in human evolution.
Here's a historian and philosopher of
science more recently from 2010 also
looking at cybernetics. He says that it
was rep it uh it stood out in the
history of science because it it pursued
a non-modern ontology that rejected the
people things dualism and the detour
through representational knowledge.
Uh the English documentarian Adam Curtis
has a documentary series called All
Watched Over by Machines of Loving Grace
where he looks at cybernetics. Says that
this is the story of the rise of the
dream of the self-organizing system and
the strange machine fantasy of nature
that underpins it. And then there are
even more recent papers talking about
cybernetics leading to sort of
neoliberal capitalism.
And so to sum up here, depending on who
you ask and when you ask them,
cybernetics was something that was going
to produce a universal theory of
behavior. It was capitalist
pseudocience. It was an engine of
socialist economic planning, a
dehumanizing nightmare, the next step in
human evolution, missed opportunity for
a new way of doing science, strange
machine fantasy that worked our view of
nature, harbinger of the rise of
neolithical technocrats. And so I bring
up this list here because I think you
know that these many perspectives
could also be sort of leveled against
complex system science today and that
depending on who you ask people might
have these opinions of complex system
science and and that's no coincidence,
you know, because it's coming out of the
cybernetics movement.
But if you ask most academics today and
they've heard of cybernetics, they're
likely to say that it's a failed
movement and that it's dead.
Nevertheless, many complexity scientists
continue to see the concept of
information as sort of harboring
revolutionary potential in the
behavioral sciences
that it can help us solve big problems
revolving around behavior and
decision-m.
So I'm on the case trying to find my own
answer to uh you know what was
cybernetics? What did it mean?
Why does it matter to us today as
complex systems people?
And the basic framework that I use when
I do this that I'm also going to be
bringing to my other work in indigenous
data sovereignty is that scientists do
science, scientists make claims, people
use the claims to guide their future
action and the connective tissue between
these steps is interpretation
justification. Right? Whatever the
scientist does is supposed to justify
their claims and for those claims to be
able to guide action, they need to be
interpreted. And I focus on these
connecting tissues to make sense of
everything else going on in science. And
another way to show this is a here's a a
framework is like capturing the way I
think about science. It's a research
program developing over time. There's an
initial state of doubt. Scientists
design an investigation uh to produce
evidence that will ameliate that state
of doubt. Sometimes they're successful
and they the results of their
investigations they say justify a new
belief. The new belief is targeted at
the initial state of doubt and then once
they have this new belief it guides
their future research in new ways and
you know causes them to have new doubts
and the process continues on.
And so this belief fixation, new belief
formation stage is usually the only
stage that's publicly accessible uh to
people because scientists make claims in
research articles or they go to
conferences and they give presentations.
And so that's the sort of handhold I
usually use to grab hold of a problem in
the history and philosophy of science.
But then I try to get at everything
surrounding that claim to make sense of
the concepts that were in the claim.
All right? And so, as I said, it's
iterative. The process keeps going.
There's multiple research programs
happening at any given time. So, they're
running in parallel. And the claims of
one research program can influence the
future research actions of another uh
research program community. And the
reason it can do that is because
these scientists are existing in a sort
of interpretive cloud with each other.
They've received similar training. They
have similar implicit assumptions. And
so they're able to read the research
reports of their peers and uh it gives
them new ideas for research in a way
that it wouldn't for other people. So
for instance, like if my uncle read a
research paper, he's going to have very
different ideas about how he got his
future action than someone who's working
in that same scientific discipline.
uh and I like telling big picture
narratives about these interpretive
clouds, these traditions by focusing on
the minutiae of experiments.
These are some of the favorite concepts
I've been thinking about within the
context of the history and philosophy of
complex approaches to behavior,
behavior, motivation, instinct,
information, cognition. They may seem
sort of straightforward or like you may
say, "Well, I know what those concepts
mean." But I think you don't really know
what those concepts mean. Uh, and so
just for motivation and instinct, here's
a recent publication I've come out at
the end of last year that deals with
both of these concepts in the behavioral
sciences.
And just a point about why any of this
matters. So scientists, you know,
they're not born scientists. They become
scientists. And before they were
scientists, they were part of a whole
bunch of other communities and cultures.
All right? And so there's this
reciprocal relationship between broader
society and popular culture and
scientific research communities. The
ideas from one area inevitably filter
through to the other and then back
again. So the example I usually use for
this is that at one point the idea of
dopamine as an important
neurotransmitter for feeling good or
having pleasure that was just some
technical sort of niche thing happening
in a laboratory somewhere. And today the
language of dopamine hits the pervasive
in the culture. And so that's how you
know scientific work on behavior colors
how we think about ourselves, how we
think about others.
And so scientific concepts that promise
to control and predict behavior concern
everyone I argue because they're bound
to reenter society and color the way we
deal with ourselves and others.
All right. So that a little piece of the
history and philosophy side of the
research that going on right now. going
to switch over to indigenous data
sovereignty ethics and policy. How did I
even get into this area of research?
Happened in 2001 when I became a
consulting bioethicist for the native
biodata consortium. It's the first uh
nonprofit bio bank and research
institution led by
indigenous scientists and sort of
intellectuals. And it's located on the
sovereign land of the Cheyenne River
Sue. That's also a first for an
indigenous bio bank just to be located
on sovereign indigenous land anywhere in
the United States. It's never happened
before.
And so they put me on all kinds of
projects since then. And one of the
projects I was working with Morona
Vanali and Fernando Fischer and they
said, "Well, what would it look like if
you could try to wipe away
sort of like western assumptions and
philosophies and come up with a white
paper on how to do indigenous genomics
research that was based on indigenous
philosophies and cosmologies from the
beginning.
And that that was a hard
problem to think about.
Sort of put me on this direction I'm at
now where so I'm already a guy who
clarifies complex concepts. That's what
I've been trained how to do. That's what
I like doing for my historian in Wasburg
science side. And so I'm bringing that
over into the context of indigenous data
sovereignty. I'm thinking about concepts
like data. For instance, how does
something become data?
has a lot of philosophical implications
to that question. What determines the
meaning of a datim?
Sovereignty another complex concept
rights human rights uh are sort of
invoked everywhere in the indigenous
state of sovereignty literature. So I
started thinking looking into the
history of this idea thinking how useful
is it for the goals indigenous data
sovereignty
and uh so if I have time I'm just going
to get into I have projects going on all
three of these concepts right now but
I'm just going to try to get into the
data and the sovereignty ones. So data
uh the stage of this project is that
there's a paper that's under review. And
so what I sort of note in this paper is
that proponents of indigenous data
sovereignty
they say that the concept of data is
contested. It's valuel laden. It's
philosophically complex without ever
really engaging with what an IDS sort of
view of data should look like.
So they'll say things like the concept
of data is imbued with a host of
meanings within and across contexts. To
some it is simply information while for
others is the very pulse of a revolution
or the idea of data is a broad concept
but in the context of this chapter we
define data as information that may be
recorded in various forms.
Right? And so from the sort of
philosophical perspective of trying to
answer questions like this which I
believe are sort of central to any
philosophical account of data uh
defining data in terms of information
doesn't really get you anywhere. Uh
because information has the same
philosophical ambiguities as data. It's
also you know what's the difference
between information and not information?
What makes information about anything?
These continue to be philosophically
mysterious questions.
uh and so what I want to go through is
two different views uh that sort of
offer answers to those two central
questions about what data is and what
determines its meaning.
And so here's the first one. It's one
that I don't like and I argue against in
the paper called the correspondence
view. It says data are reflections or
snapshots that straightforwardly
represent some aspect of the world. So I
have a camera and a mirror here because
that's the analogy that data are like
little mirrors or little photographs out
there and they just like represent some
aspect of
right and so it's pretty clear that it's
this correspondence relationship
whatever it is that determines the
meaning of data. And sometimes to
articulate what this correspondence
relationship is, people draw on
mathematical ideas like homorphism or
isomorphism where they just say things
like, you know, it preserves the
structure of the world somehow and
that's why the data is about this aspect
of the world and not that other aspect.
And so when you think about data in this
way, it leads you to ask questions like,
is our camera, our mirror, our recording
device, is it good enough to accurately
represent the way the world really is?
Are we clever enough to interpret these
reflections and representations? Right?
So on the correspondence view, the sort
of two main areas for failure are that
scientists are using faulty measuring
devices or that they're stupid. But if
if they're smart and they have good
measuring devices, then we're off to the
races and we're going to be learning
things about the world.
The other view of data um coming out of
the pragmatic tradition, let's call it
the pragmatic way. That is something I
endorse and I think that it's a good
view of data for realizing the ends of
indigenous data sovereignty. It says
things only become data when someone
uses them as evidence to support claims
or actions. So I'm drawing on the work
here of another philosopher of science,
Sabina Leonelli.
And what this view of data does is it
reintroduces human agency into the
picture.
Causes you to ask questions like what do
we want to accomplish by quote unquote
representing the world via data? What
sorts of claims are we trying to
justify?
What relations are created by using
something's data? Right? So on the
correspondence view
sort of like scientists are innocent
passengers being carried along the line
of inquiry by the facts.
The pragmatic one we foreground
scientists agency intentions and values
in the scientific process.
And so I got three reasons why I think
that this pragmatic view of data is the
best for indigenous data sovereignty.
First reason it gives a better
perspective on the future trajectory of
science which is important indigenous
data sovereignty because I should step
back I guess I never said what that is
or defined it loosely even uh it's a
pretty recent I would call it
intellectual political movement and the
basic idea behind it is that indigenous
peoples in their history of interactions
with colonial forces uh there's a
similar story that plays out that
indigenous peoples had something that's
valuable, it gets extracted by outside
colonial forces and the indigenous
people don't get anything in return and
sometimes are hurt in return. Right? So
a lot of people are saying that you know
the next thing where this is going to
happen is data that data is like the new
oil. It's the new gold and there's going
to be a data rush on indigenous peoples
and they aren't going to get anything in
return to improve their material
conditions. in the indigenous data
sovereignty movement sort of saying we
need to to leverage this notion of
sovereignty, the idea that indigenous
peoples at least in the United States uh
have some version of sovereignty
to make sure that we benefit from the
value of our data.
All right. And so what how does the
pragmatic view of data lead to a
different view of the trajectory of
science? This is just a sort of you know
rinky dink network graph thing. It
doesn't actually represent anything
right now. But the basic idea behind
this is that the nodes are discoveries
and they're connected by edges to other
discoveries because in the process of
science discoveries make new discoveries
possible.
And on the correspondence view you have
this view of science progressing where
all the data is already out there with
human independent meanings. It's sort of
like a scavenger hunt view of science
and scientists are in the process of
discovering those meanings. So the nodes
are sort of waiting out there for
scientists to connect the dots.
uh the pragmatic view of data, there's a
lot more contingency because you have to
take into account the sort of things
scientists value because the things
scientists value determine what they're
willing to call a problem, what means
they're going to use to try and solve
the problem and then what they're
willing to accept us in a solution to
that problem.
So there's just way more nodes all of a
sudden because you know there's way more
variables basically in what's happening
in a given scientific investigation.
And when you think about know scientific
progress in this way it leads you to ask
questions like well how many problems
could people possibly solve using the
same data?
And this is just speculative but I think
humanity's capacity for generating
problems and accepting solutions is
infinite. So the problems that could be
addressed are infinite and so the
meanings of data are infinite.
Uh but the main point here is that
science could have progressed
differently and the pragmatic view of
data really underscores that
contingency. it can still progress
differently. And the indigenous data
sovereignty movement needs institutions
that can bend scientific progress
towards its own goals. And another way
of saying that is that they need
institutions that are going to support a
tradition of biological inquiry as
guided by indigenous values and concerns
when it comes to these moments of
identifying problems, picking methods
and accepting solutions.
Uh and the native biodata consortium is
such an institution. you know as a bio
bank they preserve data for future use
they create and enforce rules about who
can use the data and they selectively
facilitate use of that data. So another
way of saying that under the pragmatic
view here is that they're investing in
the future meanings of data which are
unknown because we don't know what uses
people will come up with for them. Uh
they're controlling the current meanings
of data by controlling how they're used
now.
And then another question all comes up
here is well how
ought they
control current uses of data.
And this is the second way that I think
the pragmatic view of data is going to
help indigenous data sovereignty. It
provides a more penetrating vision of
science that's fit for indigenous
judgment. When for instance if you're
the native biodata consortium and you
have to make a decision, oh this group
wants to use this data for this purpose.
thumbs up or thumbs down to put it in a
very simplified way.
So, here's an example that uh I made up
so it would be clean, but it's very
similar to things that have actually
happened. We got a plant varietal here
with droughtresistant traits found only
on sovereign indigenous lands, outsider
scientists,
uh and they want to study the plant,
right, for this trait. So, they're going
to need to extract this biodata off the
indigenous communities land. And what
narrative is the scientists going to use
to justify that extraction to their
funders, to the indigenous community, to
themselves?
Say something trying to understand the
genetic basis of dropresistant traits.
Why? To help solve problems of global
warming, right? There could be famine in
the future with global warming. And
understanding the genetics behind
drought resistance and agricultural
crops could be really important for
feeding people and preventing famines in
the future.
And so these twin goals are sort of like
forever being claimed by scientists.
They want to understand the world and
they want to improve the world.
You might say something here like, you
know, it just happens to be the case
that this plant on indigenous lands is
part of the solution to a humanitywide
problem. I wish it wasn't like this.
Everything's messed up. But this is the
situation we're in now.
And the indigenous community is put in a
situation where it's like you can either
stand in the way of progress that's
going to help everyone or you can be
selfish and like not let someone study
this plant,
right? But when you take the pragmatic
view of data, it sort of changes this
phrasing. You're forced to say, well, I
want to use this plant on indigenous
lands as part of the solution to a
humanitywide problem. And that I want
opens the door to a series of further
questionings
that
puncture the veil of these generically
virtuous goals. So I'm not arguing here
that scientists are dishonest about
wanting to understand the world and
improve the world, but the these are
just sort of too vague to really be
inputs for good decision making about
whether a scientist should be able to do
something with data.
So for instance, I think understanding
is a fake goal. Uh and you know to see
how it's a fake goal, just think about
you know how will you answer a question
about how do we know when the thing is
understood? How will the scientist
demonstrate that they've achieved their
goal of understanding? And the answer to
this question is always going to come
down in my opinion to the scientist's
ability to do something relevant to the
thing they're trying to understand.
Right. So in this case with the plant
it's probably something like the
scientists can claim they understand the
base gen basis of droughtresistant
traits when they're able to manipulate
that trait by manipulating something
about sort of the genetics of plants
and that's an actual specific goal right
it's not just I'm trying to understand
the world now we're talking about things
the scientist is actually trying to do
similar for improving the world you know
start to think well you know what's it
actually within a scientist power to do.
So they don't legislate trade
agreements, they don't marshall the
forces of industrial agriculture,
uh they don't control supply chains. So
to say that they have this goal of, you
know, stopping famines in the future,
it's sort of like a tire manufacturer
saying they have the goal of building a
luxury automobile. It's like what you do
might be necessary for that, but it's
far from sufficient.
So third reason, this is uh the shortest
one here. I think that the pragmatic
view of data is more in line with
certain at least North American
indigenous philosophies. And in so far
as indigenous data sovereignty is about
indigenous peoples using their own ways
of knowing, their own cosmologies to
inform the way they control the use of
their data. I think it's important to
try to get at that somehow, which was
the project that originally put me on
this path. Remember, was trying to come
up with this white paper that's based on
indigenous philosophy.
And uh I haven't explored this that much
yet, but the basic idea here is just
that the pragmatic way of thinking about
data really emphasizes relationships
and so does a lot of indigenous
philosophy, especially when it comes to
the the task of defining things, which
is always very important to
philosophers. And so indigenous
philosophies uh that I've been looking
at in southwest of America are often
going to define things in terms of its
relationship to other things. So for
instance, you know, I have the medicine
wheel here because that's often used as
a I don't know, visual metaphor for this
way of thinking. But to be a person, you
know, it depends on your relationship to
things like other people, the place
you're in, your own thoughts, your own
body. And you can contrast that with a
more traditional western way of defining
things. Got Aristotle here as a
representative of it. And that's of
defining something in terms of necessary
and sufficient properties or conditions
for the realization of that thing. And
so on this way of defining things, you
know, things possess properties. And so
to be a person, you have to be a kind of
thing that possesses certain essential
properties such as maybe rational
thought being five people. I don't know.
Different people come up with different
lists.
All right. So that's the end of the data
one. What about this concept of
sovereignty? This one is even newer in
the developmental stage of research. I'm
just trying to write some grant proposal
about it right now. Going to be
collaborating with Trevor Reed. He's a
law professor here at Arizona State
University, a member of the Hopi tribe,
has a PhD in ethnomusicology as well as
a JD focusing on federal Indian law. And
all of that's relevant to the way that I
want to get at this question of like
what would it mean to clarify indigenous
notions of sovereignty.
So just some notes here uh to foreground
this problem. Sovereignty it's not just
one concept. There's many different
concepts of sovereignty just within the
western European political tradition.
And these concepts don't stand alone.
they sort of travel in packs with
related ideas like uh views of human
nature, views of nationhood, views of
human rights, ideas of individual and
collective freedom.
And so different sovereignty concepts
support different visions for how
humanity ought to organize itself and
make decisions as a corporate entity.
And the question I'm asking and pursuing
here is well, how do we clarify
indigenous conceptions of sovereignty?
And there's really, you know, some major
philosophical problems sort of uh
waiting to jump out at anyone just even
within the the way I'm phrasing this uh
research aim. And so one of the big
problems is just a general issue of
comparing concepts. So here we got two
things, not concepts. We got a screw and
a banana. And we can compare them
because we can characterize them in
terms that sort of apply to both that
are appropriate for both. So like
hardness, how hard is the banana? How
hard is the screw? The idea of hardness,
the operations
we perform to assess hardness are the
connecting bridge that make the
comparison between a screw and a banana
possible. Same with something like
taste, color, etc.
But there's no consensus way to
characterize concepts. Uh different
philosophical traditions have like
radically different ways of doing this.
And so as a result, it's like unclear
how to compare concepts. For instance,
the concept of a screw and the concept
of a banana because the concept of a
banana isn't yellow. It doesn't taste
like a banana, right? It doesn't have
these sort of properties that make
comparison possible.
And my solution to this problem right
now uh is that I believe that every
concept has a pragmatic dimension which
I is a way of saying that all across
time and space people use concepts to do
things for reasons. I think that's
general enough to apply. I'm not making
too many prior assumptions uh when I say
something like that. And so the
different variables and factors
surrounding a person using a concept to
do a thing for a reason can provide the
sort of connected bridge that will make
comparison possible.
So this is my visual example try to get
at this right now. Like we can compare
these things
via the framework of problems and uses
because in this case, you know, they can
both be used to attach two pieces of
wood. And so we can start to talk about,
well, this one's better than that one in
terms of attaching two pieces of wood or
because it attaches them in this way.
And so with the this problem I'm trying
to get at indigenous conceptions of
sovereignty, we have the issue that like
right from the outset uh sovereignty is
a western concept. And so you don't want
to assume that there's going to be some
concept in indigenous philosophies and
cosmologies that corresponds to
sovereignty in a straightforward way.
And this pragmatic dimension of concept
solution helps us get around this issue
because we can reframe it. It's not it's
no longer a research program about
indigenous conceptions of sovereignty.
It's about this problem or use frame of
reference of how to organize human
collectives, which again I think is a
problem that's
universal across time and space with our
species that we live in groups. Uh
figuring out how to do that isn't
obvious. And so I think any group of
people is going to have developed
conceptual tools for confronting this
issue of how do we organize ourselves
and make collective decisions. And so
then the question is within the
indigenous philosophy cosmology what set
of concepts have been developed for
addressing this problem.
And then furthermore, I think it's super
useful when two different philosophical
conceptual systems come into conflict.
And I know this through my work as a
historian and philosopher of science
that scientific debates are some of the
most enlightening episodes for
philosophers and historians because
scientists are forced to sort of make
their assumptions more explicit and they
attack each other's weak points and they
emphasize their own strengths. And so
it's sort of like opening a window into
the conceptual workings of science that
usually remains closed. And I want to
take advantage of conflict in the same
way
with this project.
So you know whereas a lot of times with
a project like this people would
endeavor to get rid of all colonial
influence to try to recover like an
untouched philosophical state in
indigenous peoples. I'm trying to sort
of flip that on its head and leverage
what I was just talking about with
conflict between systems as well as the
well doumented textbased nature of legal
conflicts. So I'm going to use legal
conflicts as the sort of handhold to
grab onto just like I use scientific
claims from research reports as the
initial thing I grab onto and then I
look at everything surrounding that to
make sense of what was happening there.
And so I think you know indigenous
peoples
had concepts that they used to address
the problem of how to organize
themselves, how to make collective
decisions prior to contact. And no doubt
those influences
uh were present in the way that
indigenous peoples sort of made
arguments in the western court context
uh which were often about sovereignty
and ownership of property. And then I
want to look at sort of how the
different ways they confront these
concepts play out historically. I'm
still working on the details of this. I
just put this here so you can see the
sort of connection here and how I'm
trying to bring the methodology from the
history and philosophy of science into
this new area.
All right. Uh so I just got 10 minutes.
I'll zoom through this and it's short.
Just peculiar interest provocations. I
like Adobe building. I would like to
incorporate that into my work eventually
somehow. I like hydraulic models of
neurohysiology. I think it's a really
interesting way of thinking about brains
and behavior. Uh it still invokes this
idea of a representation but it does it
in a non digital computer way which is
the norm currently I think to think
about like discrete variables that
computers have or a circuit board. Um,
these are more like analog computers.
And I like when scientists use this
model of thinking uh when they
investigate brains and behavior. I like
puppets. I was once making a uh online
series of classes about the history and
philosophy of animal behavior research.
I was using puppets, but I
underestimated how long it would take me
to write the scripts and just get all
the resources together. Like I had voice
actors with the puppets. But I'm
teaching a new class next semester here,
history and philosophy of complex system
science. And maybe I'll find a way to
get the puppets involved. It's a New
Mexican fences. There's something going
on here. Uh huge amount of variety and
diversity, more than I've seen in any
other state in the US. And it's not just
poverty, which I think a lot of people
probably jump to, that they're just
using whatever materials are at hand.
Very interesting. I got a whole
collection of photos of New Mexico
fences. And then something I've been
doing lately is just ending
my presentation with a list of
provocations to get the audience going
and asking some questions. Though
instinct concepts are unfairly maligned,
learning is overhyped. Brains are not
obviously just computers manipulated
symbols repetition to sort of constrain
the scientific imagination just as much
as they pathways for investigation.
I think meaning is determined by use.
Probably know what I mean by that now
since I keep endorsing pragmatic
approaches to problems of meaning.
As a result of adopting the pragmatic
view, I think desire, purpose, and drive
are the most mysterious ingredients of
meaning. Think correspondent theories of
truth are European mysticism.
Behavior is the only solid foundation
for theorizing about brains and minds.
Human rights are fake and insidiously
undermining the indigenous data
sovereignty movement. I didn't get into
that this presentation. And the
trajectory of scientific progress is
extremely contingent, more so than is
commonly appreciated.
I don't think that last one's a
provocation.
Thank you.
Ask follow-up questions or revisit key timestamps.
The speaker, an assistant professor at ASU and a D tribe member, discusses his interdisciplinary research in the history and philosophy of science (HPS) and indigenous data sovereignty (IDS). He introduces his methodology of clarifying complex concepts and applies it to analyze trends in HPS, particularly the contested history of cybernetics as a precursor to complex systems science. He then delves into IDS, highlighting how his pragmatic view of data, which emphasizes human agency and relational definitions, offers a more suitable framework for indigenous communities to assert control over their data, navigate scientific inquiries, and align with their philosophies, in contrast to the traditional correspondence view. He also outlines a new project to clarify indigenous conceptions of sovereignty by examining legal conflicts, using the "problem of organizing human collectives" as a universal point of comparison. The talk concludes with various peculiar interests and thought-provoking statements on science, philosophy, and society.
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