Sarah Paine: Something Huge is Happening to the Global Order
691 segments
My biggest concern as I said to you then
and I want to share it with the audience
now is that there is a lack of
appreciation amongst my generation or
younger about how lucky we are to have
lived in this relative peace, the long
piece as it's known historically. Right.
>> Uh it's the inner cold war period which
was wonderful. I really enjoyed it. It's
when the great powers ceased funding
opposing sides on insurgencies. So that
uh this is a period when Africa I think
parts of it had doubledigit growth rates
or much higher growth rates and I get it
tiny economies so it takes a while to
get somewhere and now that's over right
Russia had turned inwards to as Putin
was trying to consolidate power and
China had turned inwards with all these
economic reforms. Well now they're
turning outwards and the United States
noticed it's it's not the only big boy
on the block anymore and it's having
palpitations over that one. We got these
very reckless leaders all over the
place.
>> This is the global gambit.
>> Okay. Isn't that what we're doing right
now? Isn't that why I'm asking you?
>> I guess I don't know the answer on what
Putin what Xiinping and Fran France plan
to plan to do. I think anyway.
>> No, that's my point. Like you're talking
about the Europeans needing to have a
better plan. But if they can't plan
based on some degree of speculation,
then what's the point?
>> You're right. Plans contain assumptions.
So you state your assumptions. what they
are and away you go.
>> We've been having a hell of a load of
hypotheses, right? Um during our
conversation,
>> it's you're talking about the future.
How does one know?
>> So, okay, let's talk more about the
past. How much do you think the past of
Russian relations with China can define
the future of them?
>> I've done an entire podcast on Russia
and Chinese relations that sum up what
little I know on the subject. And for
many years, Russia was strong and in the
driver's seat. And now China's strong
and Russia's uh in the receiving end of
that relationship.
And
uh the reversal is a combination of
Russia's implosion and China's rise.
Right. And
uh it will uh
it uh it's it's not a good position for
Russia to be in. And then it's um
isolating itself completely from the
west. then throws it uh right at at
China's mercy. And don't expect I don't
think China has ever been merciful.
>> Why? But why would China care? More
specifically, they're a
>> care about what about uh about
>> uh holding all the cards visa v Russia.
Of course you like holding cards visa v
Russia,
>> but they're not they're indifferent to
who leads the country. Look at Iran
right now. They don't care whether the
regime topples as long as they get what
they want. As long as they
>> Yeah. Well, we're talking about whether
they're going to get what they want from
Russia, and I'm suggesting they probably
will.
>> Yes, of course. But to what how much
does that depend on what state Russia is
in? How much does that depend on the
person?
>> Oh, the weaker Russia is, the better
from Chinese. I mean, in terms of what
leverage you have over them. Um, but
understand that getting what you want
and it has two parts to that equation.
One is the competence of your own
strategy. So that lies within your own
department and it also depends on the
incompetence of the other side and
something you do not control. And be
aware if the other side's very
competent, you're going to have
troubles.
>> But to be devil's advocate on that, the
Chinese aren't free of their own
challenges.
>> No, no, they are. Nor's Russia. And
they're just I gave you the math on
their relative GMPs, GDPs. Uh China's
just got a much bigger piggy bank to go
spend money to do things than Russia
does.
>> No, for sure. Look, look, Russia's
longevity in its current form is a
ticking time bomb. It's a matter of
time. But this is why it's important to
>> who knows, think of think of North
Korea.
It amazes me how long that dystopian
mess, the Kim dynasty can remain in
power. It just seems to be endless.
>> So, so at what point does strategic
dependence for Russia turn into
strategic vulnerability?
>> I think the strategic dependence is a
strategic vulnerability. So you don't
think there comes a point where we're
already past the point of too far for
Russia. There's no they can't reverse
their dependency or
>> Oh another concept pivotal errors. If
you make we all make errors but if you
make a pivotal error I'm just it's a
term um that I cooked up uh probably
based on somebody else's whatever that I
don't even remember. It's there's no
going back to the status quo ante and
the voice choices following your pivotal
error are much worse than the ones you
had before going in. So Japan's attack
on Pearl Harbor pivotal error because
they're in a world of hurt afterwards
and it's it's going to be it's going to
be much worse than before having done
that. Vladimir Putin uh if he had just
kept with I got Crimea
uh at no cost uh and quit right there uh
he would have been he would have gotten
his Nordstream 2 in and be making all
kinds of money that way. It's over. He's
made a pivotal error. There's there's
just no going back. The choices going
forward for Russians are worse and worse
and worse. So, uh good strategists try
to avoid pivotal errors. And what I
worry about as an American is whether
the United States is about to make a
pivotal error. Going after Greenland
would be a pivotal error for the United
States.
>> Okay. No, that that's fair. Um but okay,
just to on the Cen Russo dynamic, the
thing that interests me is that the
worse things get, the more desperate
Putin becomes.
>> Oh yeah. Yeah. He's on death ground.
Another concept from Sunza, death
ground. It means you are in such rotten
shape that your only hope of survival
and it's not a really high hope is to
fight. And so for Putin personally,
that's why he's going to double down
because if he goes, "Oh, gee whiz, I
made a mistake, boys. Can't we back out
of this one?" Uh, he's dead man, right?
I would imagine.
Uh, and so he's not going to do that,
I believe. And then I'm speculating, but
I think I got pretty high odds on this
one. But on all speculation, you make a
hypothesis and then you keep examining
it. And when the data suggests
hypothesis is wrong, by all means change
your hypothesis. Uh so death ground is
an important one. You can also flip
death ground on Ukraine because it's not
just that if Ukraine
uh capitulates, not only is Suzinski a
dead man, but the Ukrainian people are
dead people. The number of people who
would be systematically murdered and
their culture would be gone is huge in a
culture affects everybody. And so if you
do that to other people, you get you
galvanize the most incredible opposing
alliance so that even a failed country
be can become a very competent
adversary. And a previous example of
that is Hitler with his genocidal plans
that turns Russia, which is basically a
failed state after all this
collectivization and shooting the Soviet
Union after shooting the general staff
and other people. It turns them into a
lethal adversary and it galvanizes the
alliance from hell that takes care of
Adolf Hitler. So death ground, it's a
good concept to play around and go who's
on death ground and who's not. the
Russian people are not on death ground
uh whereas Ukrainian people are the
value of victory that what's called
value of the object another uh concept
is much higher for Ukrainians generally
than for Russians for Russians it's like
a it it'll be a feel-good moment if they
could actually win whatever they define
win in Ukraine is but for Ukraine it's
existential so they will never give up
and the Russians are just going to be
they're they're on a trajectory to wind
up like North Korea. Give it a
generation or two.
>> Well, it sounds to me like you're
describing the wondrous trinity or
aspects of it.
>> The wondous trinity clash with
>> the idea of the rationality of Putin,
the hatred for his people,
>> the probability of the military
imploding. How much does that play
relevance to
>> Oh, the trinity or you can what is it?
It's uh the government, the people in
the military or associated with certain
abstractions, passions for the people,
rationality for the government,
creativity for the military, although
it's only most closely associated. But
anyway, you can use that triangle as a
framework to do an assessment on another
society and it's a useful framework to
use. And then others, I think it was
Michael Handel, a a long departed
colleague of mine at the Naval War
College who said there should be a
fourth item that because Claus was
before the industrial revolution that
should be technology or something,
technology, economics or something and
to make it a quadrilateral instead of a
triangle and I don't know what his
abstraction would be associated with the
economy. Who knows? Hard work. I don't
know.
>> I think the tech one is is important.
>> Yeah. Well, that way Michael Handel
would say you need all four. But there
are various ways you can assess another
country. The trinity is one way. It's
good. You do my trinity, their trinity,
strengths and weaknesses for both.
That's one way of assessing things.
>> Um
>> well, what about I don't know the the
center of gravity then or the relevance
of decisive. So for center of gravity I
think for Clausowitz the idea and then
you can go is it in physics there's one
but um as you're playing around with it
in politics or something else I think
it's the idea it's like the item that if
you detonate it the whole structure goes
like if you're trying to detonate a
building if you could figure out exactly
where to lay the charge the whole
building would go. And so this is where
people think if they hit a center of
gravity presupposing one even exists um
that they would uh win the war
operationally
and you know but whether you achieve
your strategic effect uh objective would
be another matter entirely. But then the
question is um with centers of gravity
it lends you to think of only one
instrument of national power
>> thinking or one military target when in
fact uh what holds up a society may be a
whole network of different things anyway
>> how much
>> it's a concept it's interesting concept
>> but how much does it apply or say
concepts apply to the current
circumstances All
right. I have um I am no great reader of
Jaine. I've read uh passages of him in
other people's books, but my impression
of him he's very operationally minded uh
about just massing armies and going for
military objectives and
uh I think it's Michael Handles this is
my former colleague reading of
Clausowitz where he emphasizes the
importance of objectives and
particularly limited and unlimited
objectives. I think this is Michael
Handel's interpretation of Clauswoods,
but some Clauswitz
uh expert can feel free to take me out.
But um I think those two are useful
concepts because a limited an unlimited
objective is when you're going to do
regime change on the defeated and the
most unlimited sort of objective is when
you're going to also commit genocide on
the defeated people, right?
But limited objectives are something a
whole continuum of things where the
defeated government's going to still be
in power. And there's a whole continuum
of what the objective is. Is it going to
be take a little bit of territory? Is it
you're just negotiating some trade deal?
Is it they stole your bullion and
they're going to give your bullion back?
There's a whole continuum of what these
limited objectives are. But the basic uh
discriminator of limited and unlimited
is very useful I think because the
unlimited objective puts
uh the country that is a target of the
unlimited objective on death ground
which means they're going to fight to
the death and it it's transformative on
how a country will fight whereas a
limited objective
uh doesn't put the other side on death
ground and how hard they fight may be
quite may not be that hard. So when
you're doing limited and unlimited
objectives, you have to do it for all
parties engaged. It's does party A have
an unlimited party versus B and does B
have an unlimited party uh objective
versus the other. For instance, Putin
certainly has an unlimited objective
against Zilinski and the government and
certainly against the Ukrainian people.
He wants to erase it as a culture.
uh Zalinsky and friends and Ukrainians
generally do not have an unlimited
objective against Russia. They have no
desire to conquer Russia. They want
Russia to stay home. That's it. Just go
away. Um they would, I'm sure, love to
see uh Vladimir Putin dead. Uh but
having Russians stay home would be the
the big thing for Ukrainians and stay
there from now until doomsday. Yeah. So,
it's an unlimited war visa for uh Putin
and it is a limited war for Ukrainians.
It makes uh Russia's wartime objectives
much harder to achieve. They're not
feasible. Ukraines may well could well
be feasible.
>> Well, it's a it's a description. It's a
mixture of the ideological motivations
as it is the practical
ability to achieve them. Right. My
>> Oh, yeah. Well, that's a whole other
thing about objectives is when you're
doing your assessment, you should uh
look at your strengths and weaknesses
and all your enemies strengths and
weaknesses and anybody who might want to
join the party, their strengths and
weaknesses. And then from that, you pick
a feasible objective.
And it's amazing the number of
belligerents who've chosen unfeasible
objectives,
right? My country included. We're going
to create democracy in Afghanistan.
It's not feasible.
No nation building.
>> The Afghanis are not in on that.
>> So do you think that this is a
reflection of the way the world's going
or the western policy military approach
is limited by now?
>> What's the this in your sense? Is this a
reflection this
>> what you're talking about the greater
emphasis on limited object objectives?
>> I'm just giving you a concept that you
can apply backwards and forwards across
time. If you find it useful, use it. if
you don't toss it.
>> But what I'm trying to do is uh
implement it in the real world right
now. We're seeing a
>> part of your assessment um you are back
back when we were talking about what's
speculation and what's not. I would have
part of my assessment regardless what
country I am uh is what are everybody's
objectives? Uh which ones are limited
and unlimited? What's the value of the
object? like how much do they want their
various grab list of objectives and
who's their primary, secondary,
tertiary, adversary and go took put it
all up on the wall and see what aligns.
It'll tell you a great deal about the
world. But let me be more specific
because what I mean is that I I feel
that especially in Europe, I sort of
alluded to it earlier, we need to have a
greater
clarification in our mind about what it
is we want to represent and how we aim
to do that. For a long time, for much of
my lifetime, the West or Europe has
always preached about democracy, rule of
law, but then we're not consistent in
upholding it. We go in and conduct an
illegal war in Iraq. We go in and try
and nation build in Afghanistan, and it
doesn't sustain. And if anything, it
turns the rest of the world, the global
south and whatever against the West. I
like democracy. I like living in Europe
and that sort of thing. It goes to what
we were talking about America. But my
point is that is it not time for us to
have a re-evaluation of how we seek to
conduct ourselves?
>> That's what's going on right now. That's
why it's so profoundly destabilizing.
The old uncertainties,
the old certainties are now uncertain.
And uh in part it's the passing of the
World War II generation who uh because
there were so many veterans uh that were
profoundly influenced by that uh that
they had one way of looking at things
and their children, grandchildren,
great-grandchildren are not informed by
these experiences
and uh are taking a different view of
things and history moves on. Right?
We're in a different situation now and
uh we are in a period of very rapid
technological change which many people
find profoundly destabilizing. At your
age it's like wow the world's my oyster.
All these career possibilities opening
up. I think for older people
>> who are particularly in their 50s or
better who are scared stiff that their
profession is going to disappear and
wondering then what. So it's uh we're in
a profoundly
uh unstable moment and we also have are
in a period when there are reckless
leaders in high places in many uh
important countries across the globe.
And as a historian to me it feels like
the 1930s in really bad ways.
And
so it's um important for all of us to
engage with each other to not do a redo
of a world war. It's such a mess
uh uh going in um that direction.
>> Anyway, you were pretentious times.
Well, yeah, we had our our heartto-heart
before we came on air about, you know,
our concerns, generational
considerations. My biggest concern, as I
said to you then, and I want to share
with the audience now, is that there is
a lack of appreciation amongst my
generation or younger about how lucky we
are to have lived in this relative
piece, the long piece as it's known
historically, right?
>> Oh, it's the inner cold war period,
which was wonderful. I really enjoyed
it. It's when the great powers ceased uh
funding opposing sides on insurgencies.
So that uh this is a period when Africa
I think parts of it had doubledigit
growth rates or much higher growth
rates. I get it tiny economies so it
takes a while to get somewhere. Uh and
now that's over right. uh Russia had
turned inwards to as Putin was trying to
consolidate power and China had turned
inwards with all these economic reforms.
Well, now they're turning outwards and
the United States notices it's not the
only big boy on the block anymore and
it's having palpitations over that one.
And uh we got these very uh reckless
leaders all over the place.
And unlike as I mentioned, I think it
was uh before you got me on the air, uh
of this World War, the the generation
that came off of World War II, both in
the defeated countries and in the
victors, um that uh understood and
didn't don't want another World War. And
they're the ones who uh set up the
prosperity that was incredible in
Europe. And this includes Germans and
Japanese, right? the Japanese economic
miracle. It's after World War II.
Uh and it led to incredible compounding
prosperity.
I think part of the problem, here's
another concept for you. Negative and
positive objectives. So a positive
objective is you make something happen.
So I'm going to take that hill. Either I
do or don't. You see whether I did. A
negative objective is say prevent you
from taking that hill.
Well, if no one takes the hill, some
could argue you were never trying, so I
never achieved anything, right? And so
institutions
are in many ways about negative
objectives, preventing disasters.
And so people see the overhead from them
and the inefficiencies and some of the
corruption and go,
um, look at all of this. But um if
you're going to take down US aid, and
I'm no expert in US aid, but if US aid
by providing aid that prevents uh
something from sparking into a regional
war,
uh that aid is actually really cheap,
but no one's going to be able to prove
that it prevented the inter the regional
war, even though it may well have. And
it's like uh um people get sick of
regulations. Okay. I guess in
Switzerland you've just had a there's
been this terrible fire and a lot of
young people died and that one had to do
I suspect with not enough inspectors
coming through. Um but if the
institutions
inspect then you have no fires like the
one where 40 young people have lost
their lives.
Uh on the other hand, you go, "Well, the
institutions are always expensive. Let's
get rid of them." Well, then you're
going to have all sorts of infolding
disasters
uh on your hands. So, it's about these
negative objectives. They're incredibly
important.
Um but they're unmeasurable and
therefore they're inherently
controversial.
So, people are going to go for the
tactical wins and the clickbait of what
they can get at the tactical and
operational level. Whereas the states
people who are thinking of the next
generation and about these negative
objectives are going to get no credit.
And we think about the real human the
real heroes in uh human life are those
people who averted world wars. We'll
never know who they were or what
decisions they made, but they're the
true heroes.
>> Okay. And so to try and avoid saying it
speculatively, Sally,
>> speculative apparently this this
afternoon. No, I'm just being uh
facitious. But what I mean is my my
question, my followup is what would you
prescribe? How would you assess
therefore the best way to educate people
and to ensure that younger generations
are aware of of what matters? What
>> I don't know the best way. I know that
as an old retired professor, much of my
education provided by national
fellowships that were paid on the
taxpayers's dime. I'm doing my best
uh to provide concepts to people in a
variety of podcasts and this is not
remotely the retirement career I had in
mind right um and it's to share concepts
with others to help them uh make
informed decisions because I'm looking
at the United States and what goes on
right now in the United States it rhymes
with ancient Athens ancient Athens blew
its alliance system by being ever more
coercive with its allies. So, they got
fed up with Athens. And then it got
overextended in a bunch of recreational
wars, things that it didn't have to be
involved in, but it was. And then it had
really um uh dysfunctional domestic
politics where different factions are
going at it and together this destroyed
Athens. You can go visit the Parthonon.
It's beautiful. But to me, it is a mute
symbol of a civilization that destroyed
itself and never recovered. Do not think
that this is a one-off thing for Athens.
This is a human problem that you can do
things from which it's unreoverable. And
I look at the United States now and we
got a bunch of operationally tactically
focused people in both parties running
the show. And they need to get with the
program and start thinking of the next
generation.
before it's too late.
>> Quite the um quite the moment to to to
end on. I was on
>> Good idea.
>> I was I was in the Pathanon in uh in
August. It was a delight to finally
visit it properly. Probably not the best
time to go. It was 40°, but the
principles and symbolism of it still
struck home, Sally. And certainly much
of what you've said uh in this extensive
and very generous uh length of a
podcast. I really appreciate and I hope
it's the first
>> I am devoted to your generation.
Uh I I I'm doing what little I can, but
I believe uh we are in an all hands on
deck moment, Navy terminology, in which
everyone needs to do what they can and
if together we bring out our best ideas
and hear everybody out and certainly
don't uh kill people with whom you
disagree, but hear them out.
uh we'll muddle our way through this.
We're all descendants from people who
did, right? Uh that our uh grandparents
and parents and others uh they made it
through a peaceful end to the cold war.
That is an enormous achievement.
So it's now uh it's now our turn,
particularly people my age, to do
something.
Well, I just hope there's a little bit
more of piping down. Um, but I certainly
bravo Zulo to uh use what limited naval
terms I know from my grandfather in his
time.
>> Oh, they do they use that one in
Britain, too?
>> They did. I'm not sure if it's
>> Oh, they still use it in the US Navy.
>> Well, Bravo Zulu.
>> Oh, yes, they do. Admiral, send it
around. You've got a three-page uh oped.
Bravo Zulu. Okay. It was three pages.
Yep. I am.
>> Well, for our fellow land lovers, uh
they may not know these uh these
detailed terms, but um it's always a
pleasure to uh to speak with you and
people of such intellect.
>> So, thank you very much for that.
>> I got no special intellect. I've just
I'm an old professor. I did what I was
supposed to do. I graded all the papers.
I spent time with students. And I uh
spent my vacations doing research. And
this is what little I know. But I'm not
spe I'm no more special than anybody
else is. And I'm no smarter than anybody
else. I just This is what it looks like
at the end of a career if you spent your
time reading a certain selection of
readings. Anyway, it's been fun. Good
luck with your podcast.
Thank you very much everyone on the
outside. We'll see you all soon.
Ask follow-up questions or revisit key timestamps.
The discussion begins with a concern that younger generations do not appreciate the current period of relative global peace, contrasting it with the preceding "inner cold war period" where major powers focused internally, fostering economic growth in regions like Africa. This era is now seen as ending, with Russia and China turning outwards and the United States no longer the sole global power, leading to increased instability and reckless leadership. The power dynamic between Russia and China has inverted, with Russia now dependent on a rising China, especially after isolating itself from the West. The concept of "pivotal errors" is introduced, exemplified by Putin's invasion of Ukraine, which is deemed an irreversible mistake leading to worsening prospects for Russia. The idea of "death ground" from Sun Tzu is applied to both Putin, who is desperate and will double down, and Ukraine, for whom the conflict is existential, ensuring they will fight fiercely. The conversation explores Clausewitz's
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