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"The hidden rules of society" - Steven Pinker Part 2

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"The hidden rules of society" - Steven Pinker Part 2

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464 segments

0:00

[Music]

0:04

Yeah. So I mean this is an important

0:06

idea in the book that you've got this

0:09

potentially infinite regress of people

0:11

thinking well Steven knows that I know

0:12

that Steven knows that I know that

0:14

Steven knows that I know forever and

0:16

that's it seems implausible that that

0:19

that is how people are actually thinking

0:21

even though that's the effect. Um but

0:24

you you suggest that there are certain

0:25

acts for example speech acts that just

0:28

you know it's it the bomb has been

0:29

detonated everybody can see it. So so so

0:33

tell us a bit about how different ways

0:35

in which you suggest that common

0:36

knowledge can be generated that don't

0:39

require

0:41

the departmental head tapping glasses

0:44

and almost reasoning. Well, yes, because

0:47

the the idea that the idea is that

0:51

common knowledge consists of an infinite

0:54

uh set of embedded propositions about

0:56

mental states, that coordination

1:00

requires common knowledge, and that

1:02

social relationships are coordination

1:04

games. At first, that might sound

1:07

completely implausible because common

1:08

knowledge, according to the definition,

1:10

would seem to be require superhuman

1:13

mental stamina. Your head starts to spin

1:15

after two layers of I knows that she

1:18

knows, let alone an infinite number

1:19

which couldn't even fit into a finite

1:21

head anyway. But common knowledge can be

1:24

granted at a stroke by a an an event

1:28

that is public that's conspicuous that's

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that's out there that's self-evident

1:34

that you witness at the same time that

1:37

you witness other people witnessing it.

1:39

that can uh then the common knowledge is

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implicit in that situation and we often

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refer to it. It seems like a recendite

1:48

concept. I suggest that we we're all

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aware of it. We just don't use the

1:53

language of common knowledge. We use the

1:55

metaphor of a conspicuous sound or

1:58

object. And you use the you just use the

2:00

metaphor of a bomb going off. Um that's

2:04

a great example of something that you

2:06

can't help but notice when it happens.

2:09

Therefore, if a bomb goes off and there

2:11

are several people witnessing it, it's

2:13

not just that people know the bomb went

2:15

off. They know that everyone else knows

2:16

that the bomb go went off. And to site

2:19

another Seinfeld episode just to show

2:22

how we are creative in coming up with

2:24

metaphors for the concept of common

2:26

knowledge, uh even if we don't reel it

2:29

out with all the embedded thoughts is a

2:32

case where again George Castanza is the

2:34

butt of the humor. He's been dating a

2:37

woman for a while and he's uh musing

2:40

with Jerry and Elaine whether it's time

2:42

to uh go to the next level and uh say to

2:46

her I love you. And Jerry says, "Oh,

2:48

that's a a big move, Georgie boy. Uh how

2:51

confident are you that you'll get the I

2:53

love you return?" Says, "50."

2:56

Jerry says, "Because if you say I love

2:58

you and you don't get the I love you

2:59

return, that's a big matzah ball hanging

3:02

out there." Uh, a big matabal hanging

3:05

out there is another metaphor for a

3:07

conspicuous object that can't help but

3:10

generate common knowledge. In this case,

3:12

a romantic relationship

3:15

uh like a friendship, like a sexual

3:18

relationship exists as common knowledge.

3:22

You're uh if two people are in love,

3:24

each one knows that the first one knows

3:25

that the other one knows. uh ratified by

3:29

in in most cases by the declaration I

3:32

love you followed by the refrain I love

3:34

you.

3:35

>> Yeah. Um you've done excuse me you've

3:39

done and you also describe other people

3:41

doing uh experiments performing

3:43

experiments

3:45

on

3:47

how common knowledge is generated.

3:49

Uh there's the the the burger bun and

3:52

the hot dog the hot dog bun and the hot

3:54

dog experiment. Um you also to describe

3:58

other researchers

4:00

these various um scenarios in which

4:03

there's an ice cream truck and the ice

4:05

cream truck starts moving around and I I

4:07

found it fascinating the different ages

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at which people are able to think about

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what other people know or what other

4:13

people don't know. So talk about talk

4:14

about that. Yes, there's a famous body

4:17

of research probably known to every

4:19

psychology student uh on u mentalizing

4:23

or theory of mind where in this case the

4:26

theory is not the scientist's theory,

4:29

it's the intuitive theory that we all

4:32

have of what's going on in other

4:34

people's heads. Um and to be a competent

4:37

social being, you have to

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try to guess what someone else is

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thinking or feeling. We don't treat each

4:43

other like like robots. um but we get

4:46

inside their others others heads. So

4:48

that's sometimes called mentalizing. And

4:50

in the book I talk about recursive

4:53

mentalizing which is getting inside the

4:56

head of someone getting inside your head

4:58

or getting inside a third party's uh

5:00

head uh reading the mind of a mind

5:04

readader. The famous experiment done by

5:07

uh um Joseph Perner and Hans Vimmer uh

5:10

involves false belief that being the

5:13

ultimate test of the ability to

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differentiate what you know and what

5:17

someone else's know someone else knows.

5:20

Um the you act out with a three-year-old

5:23

child. You put a marble in a box and

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then the uh Sally uh sorry, Sally puts

5:30

the marble in the box. Um leaves the

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room. Then the experimentter puts it in

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a basket. Uh Sally comes back. Where

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does Sally think the the uh the marble

5:40

is? A three-year-old will say in the

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box. Sorry. A three-year-old will say in

5:45

the basket. The incorrect answer because

5:48

Sally, not having witnessed the

5:50

transfer, has no way of knowing it. The

5:52

child knows it. uh and spreads his

5:55

knowledge on everyone else. Doesn't have

5:57

a separate record for what she knows and

6:00

what I know. Then later they did a um

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kind of a second order version of that

6:06

experiment.

6:07

>> I'm sorry. And at what age do

6:09

>> Oh, I'm sorry. At four years old, they

6:10

get it right. I I forgot to mention

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that.

6:12

>> They have a theory of someone else's

6:14

thoughts.

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>> That's the That's the simplest

6:16

explanation. Okay.

6:17

>> Yeah. Um, and you can do it to the next

6:20

level where um Sally um wants to get uh

6:25

ice cream. The is told the ice cream

6:27

truck is at the church. The um however,

6:31

when she goes home to get the money, the

6:33

ice cream truck drives away. Where will

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Sally go to buy ice cream? And just like

6:39

the the marble in the box, then you take

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it to the next level. Um, while she went

6:46

home, while the ice cream truck went

6:47

away, someone told her the ice cream

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truck went away.

6:52

Um, but uh, her friend John just saw her

6:56

leave. Um, where does John think that

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Sally will go buy ice cream? If they

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can't figure out that John J John's

7:06

knowledge of Sally's knowledge is

7:08

incomplete, they'll guess that he that

7:10

she will go to the church mistakenly

7:13

whereas in sorry that she will fail to

7:16

go to the church. sorry, she'll go to

7:18

the church mistakenly. Um, if the child

7:22

projects the knowledge that we attribute

7:24

to Sally to John, they'll think that

7:28

John um correctly knows that she will go

7:31

to the say to the park wherever the ice

7:33

cream truck went. So, it's a thought

7:35

experiment about um false uh belief

7:39

about someone else's false belief taking

7:41

it to the second order. Kids don't get

7:43

that until they're seven or eight. Um,

7:46

>> so, so at three they they don't they

7:49

don't get it at all.

7:50

>> They don't have a theory of of what

7:51

someone else might be thinking. At four

7:53

>> they do start to form thoughts about

7:55

what someone else might be thinking,

7:57

>> but they it starts to break down when

8:00

they have to think about what someone

8:01

else is thinking about what that person

8:03

is thinking. Yeah.

8:04

>> So they think

8:08

what do they know about what Johnny

8:10

knows about what Sally knows. So, it's

8:12

not just what they think about what

8:14

Sally knows, but you insert yet another

8:17

mind in in that um representation. And

8:21

that flumxes the four-year-olds who are

8:25

okay at figuring out what Sally knows

8:26

that they don't know, but what Johnny

8:29

knows that Johnny doesn't know that

8:31

Sally knows that they know. There it

8:33

starts to break down.

8:34

>> Yeah.

8:34

>> And but eight-year-olds can do can do

8:37

that.

8:37

>> Eight-year-olds can do it. Now all of

8:39

course um I had to struggle to

8:41

reconstruct it and I suspect some of you

8:44

are are

8:45

>> struggling. Everyone's following it

8:46

fine. Don't worry. Everyone's we've all

8:48

got it.

8:49

>> But this is it is mental work and

8:51

sometimes as with any kind of uh effort

8:54

it can be pleasurable. That's when we

8:56

have um murder mysteries, sometimes

9:00

comedies of manners, mistaken identity

9:02

plots where an author will kind of

9:05

stretch our ability to keep track of who

9:07

knows what about who knows what.

9:10

>> Yes. I ju I I just saw a uh play uh the

9:14

comedy about spies. And one of the one

9:16

of the setups is they're in a hotel and

9:19

there are various different spies

9:21

bugging other spies. Well, at least they

9:23

think they're bugging other spies. using

9:25

a radio to bug the other spies, but

9:27

somebody has his radio doesn't work. So,

9:30

he's gone to another room and taken

9:31

their radio and their radio is now in

9:33

his room. So, they're all listening to

9:36

and he's also he's an actor and he's

9:38

he's um auditioning for the part of

9:40

James Bond. So, so he so the comedy is

9:45

is trying to track all of these people

9:47

formulating all of these false beliefs

9:49

about all of these other people. And as

9:52

a member of the audience, you know more

9:53

than than the protagonists do, but you

9:56

you still don't know everything because

9:57

there are there are various twists, but

9:59

there's a lot of as you say, there's a

10:00

lot of pleasure to be derived from from

10:03

sort of tracking these mental states. So

10:05

So we we were talking about at what age

10:08

children form a theory of mind and then

10:10

a meta theory of mind. You've got two

10:13

levels or three levels. So what can

10:15

adults do? How many levels can adults

10:17

>> I don't know about comfortably. How many

10:19

adults can how many levels can adults

10:20

cope with?

10:21

>> Generally three or four. But it much

10:25

depends on how familiar they are with

10:27

the situation. Because uh another common

10:30

place of cog cognitive psychology is

10:32

that when we encounter a combination of

10:35

ideas repeatedly, we can uh put it into

10:38

a mental assembly. The technical term is

10:40

a chunk. Um I think there are various

10:43

equivalents in computer science like sub

10:45

routines, memoization, caching uh where

10:49

a complex data structure can be referred

10:52

to by a sing single symbol. Um so there

10:55

can be human scenarios like a scandal or

10:59

an affair where they're actually it's

11:02

defined by multiple levels of knowledge

11:05

about knowledge but they're familiar

11:07

enough that they become a cognitive

11:09

chunk and we can handle uh multiple

11:12

levels and there there even words like

11:14

say to humor someone to humor someone

11:17

means to you want them to think that you

11:22

are taking their thoughts seriously. ly

11:24

even though you know you aren't aren't

11:27

believing them. And so you can stretch

11:30

that limit um that ordinarily seems

11:33

comically difficult. If you're throwing

11:36

new actors and new relationships at

11:39

someone all at once, it seems

11:41

impossible. But if they're familiar

11:44

combinations, that's often how we deal

11:46

with them. Still, there are comedies

11:48

that poke fun at our inability or at

11:51

least our difficulty at keeping track at

11:53

multiple levels.

11:54

>> I I have the New Yorker cartoon here. Of

11:57

course, I care about how you imagined. I

11:59

thought you perceived I wanted you to

12:01

feel.

12:03

>> Yeah, that's that's funny if it's only

12:05

three, right? Because if it's only

12:06

three, you can you can follow it.

12:08

>> That Well, that exceed Yes, that's

12:09

right. If it's only three, then then

12:10

then generally you can follow it.

12:12

There's also the the scene that I I wish

12:14

I had included in the book I was

12:16

familiar with, but it did I didn't make

12:17

the connection. In the Princess Bride,

12:20

there's the battle of wits scene where

12:23

Wesley has uh poisoned one of two uh

12:27

goblets and Vitini has to figure out

12:31

which one he can drink from. And the way

12:33

he figures it out is because he fancies

12:35

himself as a genius. He said, "Well, you

12:38

want me to think that I'm putting it in

12:39

the far goblet, but I know since I know

12:42

that, I'm going to pick the near

12:43

goblet." But you know that I know that

12:46

you want me to think it's in the far

12:48

goblet. So, you're going to put it in

12:49

the far goblet after all. This goes on

12:51

for several iterations.

12:52

>> Yeah. And and and part of the joke is

12:54

that both of them are planning a double

12:56

cross that is makes the whole kind of

12:59

reasoning about other people's mental

13:00

states completely irrelevant. Fini

13:02

basically goes, "Oh, look over there."

13:03

Then swaps the goblets. And and

13:05

actually, yes, I won't spoil it. For

13:08

those of you who haven't seen Princess

13:10

Bride, you have to see it. Um,

13:12

so I wanted to just um can can I can I

13:16

get a volunteer from the front row, not

13:18

to come up, but just to to answer a

13:19

question. Would you would you mind

13:21

answering a question for me?

13:24

Thank

13:26

Okay, you could answer a question for

13:27

me. So here is here is your assignment.

13:31

Stephen, this is an assignment for you

13:33

also. Will don't say anything yet. So um

13:38

it becomes apparent that you need to

13:41

meet Steven Pinker in London tomorrow.

13:45

However, he doesn't have your phone

13:48

number. You don't have his phone number.

13:49

There's there is no way of of of

13:52

coordinating. So where do you go to meet

13:56

him? And when

14:00

>> um to the tower of the big Ben the

14:03

>> whatever is most conspicuous.

14:05

>> Yeah. Big Ben. When?

14:07

>> Uh midday. I don't know.

14:09

>> Steven.

14:10

>> Yes. I think I'd probably I'd return

14:13

here at the starting time of this event.

14:16

Uh

14:16

>> there you go. It's tricky because I

14:18

would have gone for that. But that also

14:20

makes perfect sense. Part of the problem

14:23

with these this is called a Thank you

14:25

very much by the way. Um this is a

14:27

shelling Thomas Shelling the economist

14:29

Thomas Shelling um first kind of started

14:32

talking about these games. It's called a

14:33

coordination game and uh part of the

14:37

problem is you're trying to think about

14:39

what is most salient and what context

14:43

matters. So you were thinking Big Ben is

14:47

the most famous landmark in London. It

14:49

has a clock and the most obvious time to

14:52

meet anybody is midday. It's not crazy.

14:56

You were thinking we were both at this

14:58

meeting. This is the only place that you

15:01

know we have met and the focal time

15:03

would be 7:30 the starting time of the

15:05

meeting. Also not crazy. Um it's turns

15:08

out to be quite a difficult game right

15:10

because there's more than one focal

15:11

point. But but what do we learn by by

15:13

reasoning about this sort of thing?

15:15

>> So this is a case where in the absence

15:17

of common knowledge we have to use this

15:19

next best thing which is common

15:21

salience. that is something that uh it

15:25

doesn't just pop out but that you can

15:27

guess would pop out to other people the

15:30

person you're trying to coordinate with.

15:31

In Shelling's example, it was the clock

15:34

in Grand Central Station at noon in in

15:36

New York um at at a time when a lot of

15:39

people use Grand Central Station. So a

15:41

common salience focal point sometimes

15:43

called a shelling point in his honor is

15:46

a solution to a coordination game. Now

15:49

the thing about a coordination game is

15:51

that it has two equilibria. That is

15:54

there are two situations such that if

15:56

you're in it, if the other if you make a

15:58

choice, the other person makes a choice,

16:00

there's no reason that either of you

16:02

should change your mind. But there's

16:04

another option. And if you made that

16:06

choice and the other person made uh that

16:08

choice, neither of you would change your

16:10

mind either. Should you drive on the

16:12

right? Should you drive on the left?

16:13

Either one is good. It's very important

16:16

not to avoid the cell where you drive on

16:18

the right, he drives on the left or vice

16:20

versa. And um so there's nothing in game

16:23

theory and mathematics in rational actor

16:26

theory that determines which of those

16:28

two cells you should try to get yourself

16:31

into. Instead, what shelling consist

16:33

says is this is where game theory leaves

16:35

off and psychology begins. that is your

16:40

theory of mind that is your guess about

16:42

what's going on in the other person's

16:43

head and vice versa can commend a

16:47

solution uh to you um there's no rhyme

16:51

or reason to it other than the fact that

16:54

it commends itself as a solution there

16:56

are many examples in in everyday life

16:59

and in actually in highly consequential

17:01

circumstances in which people are in a

17:03

coordination game and seeking a focal

17:07

point so they can get in a one of them

17:09

mutually beneficial equilibria. He gives

17:11

the example of um negotiation

17:14

bargaining. So let's say there is a car

17:17

salesman. Let's say there is a buyer.

17:19

Let's say there's a range of prices

17:20

where they can come to an agreement.

17:22

Namely the car salesman makes a profit.

17:25

The uh buyer is willing to pay that

17:27

amount of money for the enjoyment of

17:30

having the car. The question is where in

17:32

the range should they settle? any point

17:34

within the range is a an equilibrium but

17:37

nothing in the statement of the problem

17:40

can dictates where they should end up.

17:42

It is important that they end up

17:44

somewhere because if they walk away it's

17:47

uh both of them are worse off. So

17:49

shelling suggests that's why often in

17:51

negotiations people will um offer to say

17:54

split the difference uh when they when

17:56

they get near the end. Now splitting the

17:58

difference isn't inherently fair. Maybe

17:59

one of them started off with a a high

18:01

ball offer. Um maybe even anticipating

18:04

that they would split the difference and

18:05

gets and pulls it in his favor or vice

18:08

versa. Or he said they might settle on a

18:10

round number. He said the salesman who

18:13

announces that his rock bottom price for

18:15

the car is £30,0756

18:20

is fairly pleading to be relieved of

18:22

£7.56.

18:25

Namely, obviously the customer say, "Oh,

18:26

come on. Let's call it 30,000 even. Now

18:30

30,000 is not the fair price, the

18:33

logical price, the only price for the

18:35

car, but simply as a round number, it

18:37

pops up and so it's a possible focal

18:39

point for them to uh settle on

Interactive Summary

The discussion explores how common knowledge is generated, moving beyond the theoretical infinite regress to focus on publicly observable "speech acts" or events. It introduces the concept of common knowledge being granted "at a stroke" by conspicuous events, like a bomb detonating or an "I love you" declaration. The conversation then delves into recursive mentalizing or "theory of mind," explaining how children develop the ability to understand others' thoughts at different ages—first-order false belief at four years old and second-order at seven or eight. Adults typically handle three to four levels of recursive mentalizing, though familiarity with "chunks" of ideas can extend this. Finally, the discussion covers coordination games and "Shelling points," where individuals in the absence of common knowledge rely on mutually salient options to coordinate, like meeting at a famous landmark or splitting the difference in negotiations, illustrating how psychology plays a role where game theory alone falls short.

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