How The UAE Just Got Wrecked In Yemen
914 segments
For a couple of months, there was
actually a brief brief period of general
stability and calm in the Middle East.
In October of 2025, Israel and Hamas
agreed to another ceasefire in and
around Gaza that was brokered by America
around the 2-year anniversary of the
start of their war, which by extension
also led to the Houthis and Yemen
announcing a pause on their own attacks
against Israel and international
maritime shipping in the Red Sea and
Gulf of Aiden theaters as well. The
Houthi's announcement had also come on
the heels of a separate Obani brokered
ceasefire that they had agreed with the
United States back in May that followed
nearly two months of relentless American
air strikes against them in which the
Houthies had also agreed to stop their
attacks against American and British
linked maritime shipping around them as
well. So by October, it seemed that the
Houthies had entered in a ceasefires
with both the Israelis and the
Americans. While a separate three and a
half year long ceasefire that had begun
back in 2022 between all of the various
factions within Yemen's own internal
civil war was also still holding steady
between the Houthies and the country's
internationally recognized government or
IRG. No major fighting between Yemen's
various internal factions had taken
place in years. While the front lines
had remained remarkably stable the
entire time and with the Houthis winding
down their separate external fights
against the Israelis and Americans, it
appeared to a lot of people that Yemen
was finally going to settle down again,
most of all to the United States, who
has been eager to refocus its attention
away from the Middle East to more
pressing concerns like Venezuela and the
Western Pacific. But unfortunately for
everyone, the modern Middle East never
remains peaceful or undramatic for very
long. In the end, it took fewer than 2
months after the October Houthi Israel
ceasefire for the situation in Yemen to
begin catastrophically unraveling again.
On the 2nd of December, the Southern
Transitional Council or the STC, [music]
a separatist faction in Yemen that
ultimately seeks the independence of the
former state of South Yemen, but which
had been working together with the
internationally recognized government or
the IRG, suddenly broke ranks with the
IRG and launched a surprise offensive
against them into the Hadramat
Governorette. Geographically the largest
governor or province within Yemen that
tanks up roughly onethird of the
country's land which had previously been
split between STC control along the
coast and IRG control across the
interior. Co-named by the STC as
operation promising future, the surprise
offensive against the internationally
recognized government rapidly developed
into a decisive victory for them. Within
only a week, they managed to completely
overrun the entire Hajramat governor.
And then going even further, they
overran the neighboring Almahra governor
as well on the border with Oman,
representing hundreds of thousands of
square kilm worth of captured territory.
And even more importantly, by seizing
control of all of these territories, the
STC suddenly seized control over about
80% of Yemen's proven oil and gas
reserves as well, which were seen as
critical for achieving the STC's
ultimate goal of secession and a
functioning independent state. With
their rapid military advances, the STC
was able to capture virtually all of the
territory that used to make up the
former independent state of South Yemen,
[music] which was uniquely the Arab
world's only communist state that
historically used to exist between 1967
and 1990 before unified with North
Yemen. [music]
And with their capture of all of the oil
and gas fields, the STC put themselves
in the position to credibly declare
their full secession and independence
from Yemen as well. [music] And what's
even more incredible, the STC managed to
accomplish all of this without any
extensive fighting. STC troops
effectively managed to just march
through the two governorates with little
resistance from local IRG affiliated
tribes and [music] troops. The STC
reported that just a mere 16 of their
own fighters were killed during the
week-long offensive, [music] while the
IRG reported that only 32 of their own
personnel were killed. a stunning figure
for how enormous the gains made by the
STC are and how categorically this
shifted the balance of power within
Yemen. The STC likely launched their
surprise offensive into Hadramat and al-
Mahra when they did for multiple
reasons. There had been talk of the
Saudis and the Houthis renewing their
peace negotiations again after years and
years of delays and following the Houthi
ceasefires with Israel and the United
States. Still under unrelenting US
financial sanctions, the Houthies were
known to be demanding a large share of
Yemen's oil wealth in a future
negotiated settlement as a means of
economic relief. [music] And so the
STC's seizure of all of those oil fields
in Hondramat could have been a way to
preempt those negotiations by securing
the oil fields for themselves for their
own long-term secession project. During
a visit to Washington just two weeks
before the offensive, Saudi Arabia's
crown prince and de facto ruler Muhammad
bin Salman is also known to have
directly asked President Trump to
intervene in the other conflict in Sudan
with expanded sanctions against the
rapid support forces. The UAE backed
militia in Sudan that the US accuses of
committing genocide in Darur and which
is fighting against the Saudibbacked
side in that country's separate civil
war. The UAE likely interpreted that
Saudi request as a direct threat against
their own interest in Sudan, which might
have encouraged the UAE to give the STC
in Yemen the green light for their
offensive into Hadramat to pull Saudi
and American attention elsewhere off of
Sudan. And more immediately in late
November, Saudi backed tribal forces in
the Hajrammouth region began blocking
oil production, which sparked energy
shortages across the region and
particularly in SDC controlled areas,
which the STC themselves had to have
interpreted as a direct threat to their
long-term stability. By launching the
surprise offensive, the STC and the UAE
likely gambled on resolving all of these
issues and to secure the allimportant
oil fields to safeguard their long-term
prospects at secession [music] and
independence. Yemen itself has been a
proxy war of competing outside powers
for more than a decade now. The UAE
supports the STC in their bid for
secession. Saudi Arabia supports the
internationally recognized government
and Yemen's territorial integrity while
Iran supports the Houthis and their
separate vision for Yemen's territorial
integrity. All three sides theoretically
oppose each other in Yemen. But for
several years, the UEEbacked STC and the
Saudibbacked IRG had at least attempted
to cooperate together against the
Iranbacked Houthies, whom they mutually
came to view as the bigger threat. Over
the years, after the Saudis launched a
devastating full-scale intervention in
Yemen against the Houthis that began in
2015, the Houthis have fired hundreds of
retaliatory missiles and drones at Saudi
Arabia's cities all throughout the
conflict. While they've also managed to
strike the UAE from time to time as
well, including a missile strike in Abu
Dhabi in 2022 that killed three people.
Both the UAE and Saudi Arabia want a
pacified Yemen that's free of Iranian
influence that no longer shoots back at
them. But Yemen is also just further
away from the UAE than it is from Saudi
Arabia. Saudi Arabia prefers a united
and calm Yemen like it was prior to
2014. While the UAE sees Yeban as just a
component in their greater overall
strategy to build a ring of influence
across the Red Sea in the Horn of Africa
to connect to their other allies in the
region like the RSAP in Sudan, the LCSC
regime in Egypt, Eratraa, and the
breakaway state of Somali land. The
Saudis, meanwhile, have backed factions
in Yemen's internationally recognized
government like Isla, an offshoot of the
Muslim Brotherhood, whose ideology of
political Islam horrifies the UAE, and
why the UAE steadily came to back the
more secular STC in their secession
project in South Yemen instead. So
despite their shared animosity toward
the Houthies in Yemen, the rival royal
families in power in Saudi Arabia and
the UAE also came to back different
sides of the country with their own
irreconcilable objectives. By 2022, the
Saudis decided to remove the
internationally recognized government's
incompetent president and replaced him
with an eight-man presidential
leadership council to govern the country
instead. The leader of the council was a
Saudibbacked politician who favored
national unity in Yemen. While his chief
deputy was the head of the STC who
wanted to partition Yebid between south
and north instead. They were never going
to work together for very long. But they
also entered into a ceasefire with the
Houthis the same year in 2022 that was
initially only supposed to last for 6
months, but has continually held ever
since. for now. Since December, when the
front lines in Yemen suddenly shifted
the most dramatically they had in years
between the STC and the internationally
recognized government, the immediate
questions on everyone's minds were, what
would the STC do with their conquests?
[music] And how would the
internationally recognized government
and the Saudis end up responding? Taking
the boldest option, the STC was
conceivably capable of pursuing their
ultimate objective of just unilaterally
declaring their secession from Yemen and
recreate the former state as South Yemen
again, which they had already proposed
calling South Arabia this time around
instead. In theory, doing this without
any outside foreign support would be a
very dangerous and risky move. The world
isn't kind to rebellious territories of
UN recognized countries unilaterally
breaking away without the consent of
their parent country. Other places that
have done the same like Savaliand,
Obcazia, and Kosovo have faced decades
of imposed isolation and non-recognition
by large swaths of the international
community. But the STC [music] had plans
to be different. Their leaders suggested
that after they declared their
independence, they would be willing to
immediately exceed to the Abraham
Accords and recognized the state of
Israel. Their hope was that this
software would have given them the
negotiating leverage they needed over
the Trump administration to extend US
recognition towards their own
independence, especially because there's
already a major precedent for Trump
overlooking international law and
territorial integrity before in exchange
for recognition of Israel. Back in 2020,
during Trump's first term in office, he
agreed to extend US recognition of
Morocco's sovereignty over Western
Sahara in exchange for Morocco's
recognition of Israel, making the US the
[music] first country to ever formally
recognize Morocco's occupation of the
territory. Trump is well known to want
to continue extending the Abraham
Accords in the Muslim world during his
second term to score more diplomatic
victories that he can sell at home. And
so the STC's assumption that he would
probably be willing to extend American
recognition of their independence in
[music] exchange for them becoming the
next ones to join wasn't really that
unrealistic. And by extension, joining
the Abraham Accords would have easily
secured Israel's recognition of their
independence as well. The STC also
likely believe that their ability to
position themselves as a regional bull
work against the Houthies and their
control of nearly all of Yemen's oil and
gas reserves would help seal the deal
with the Americans and Israelis as well.
Joining the Abraham Accords and
extending their recognition towards
Israel would also further position the
SDC with their primary backer, the UAE,
who themselves joined the Abraham
Accords and recognized Israel in 2020 as
well. Late in December of 2025, Israel
also notably became the first UN
recognized country to extend their
formal recognition towards Somaliand's
independence immediately across the Gulf
of Aiden from southern Yemen. Somaliand
unilaterally declared their independence
from Somalia more than 30 years ago back
in 1991. And though they've maintained
their independence from the rest of
Somalia in a de facto sense ever [music]
since, nobody ever took the formal step
of actually recognizing it until Israel
did just a few weeks ago. Somali land is
also closely aligned to the UAE. Since
2017, the Emiratis have invested $442
million in developing and operating the
port of Barbara in Somali land,
transforming it into a strategic
competitor with the nearby port of
Djibouti for trade moving through the
Red Sea in the Suez Canal. Somaliand
allowed the UAE to construct a military
base at Barbbera as well. And merely
days after Israel's recognition of
Somali land, the UAE quietly announced
that they would begin accepting Somali
land passports for travel. In essence,
recognizing Somali land sovereignty in
everything but name. If the STC was
actually successful at declaring their
secession from Yemen, then the UAE could
have conceivably followed Israel by
recognizing both South Yemen's and
Somali lands independence as well. Doing
so would have established closely UAE
aligned states on either side of the
south entrance to the Red Sea with the
closely UAE aligned rapid support forces
nearby in Sudan which might still
ultimately win the civil war there and
grant the UAE another closely aligned
state along the central Red Sea
coastline along with LCC's Egypt and
Israel further to the north that are
both already closely aligned with the
UAE as well. to the UAE. All of these
pieces on the board, from South Yemen to
Somali land to the RSF in Sudan to
Elsis's Egypt and Israel, are all part
of a vast long-term plan to dominate the
Red Sea and its lucrative trade volume
in order to secure a wealthy future
after the end of oil. A future that
Saudi Arabia is also concerned about
that is pushing both countries to
increasingly compete against each other
for alternative industries like tourism
and AI technology. But of Saudi Arabia,
the UAE's Red Sea strategy cannot appear
as anything else other than an Emirani
attempt to encircle them. For years, the
Saudis have been attempting to do
everything they can to make the Houthies
accept a power sharing deal in a unified
Yemen that would restrict their role in
the government. Part of how they plan to
do that was by offering the Houthies a
share in the unified country's oil and
gas resources that mostly exist in the
south. So with the prospect of the south
seceding and taking basically all of the
oil and gas with them, the Saudis were
facing their worstc case scenario in
Yemen, without the oil and gas reserves,
the internationally recognized
government that they support would
almost certainly be too weak to impose
any kind of a deal on sharing power with
the Houthis in the north. And
realistically, the Houthies would
probably just eliminate them and
politically dominate the remaining North
Yemen rump state. Saudi Arabia would
become trapped with a radical
Iranianbacked Houthi Shiite theocracy
directly on their southern border that
would be left chronically impoverished
without any access to southern Yemen's
oil and gas reserves, which is about as
big of a nightmare scenario for the
Saudis as imaginable. Shortly after
their offensive, the SDC announced that
they intended to hold a referendum on
independence from the rest of Yemen
within the next 2 years by 2028. While
the Saudis were consistently and
strongly reiterating that all of this
was completely unacceptable to them.
Within days of the STC territorial
takeovers, tens of thousands of Saudibed
troops loyal to the internationally
recognized government began mobilizing
on the new front lines while threatening
a major counteroffensive. Saudi Arabia
demanded that the STC withdraw from all
of the territories in Yemen they seized
and gave them a week-long ultimatum to
do so or else. [music]
The STC consistently refused to
withdraw. The week-long Saudi ultimatum
passed by and the or else phase began
happening. At the end of December, the
Saudi Air Force launched air strikes on
the STC controlled port city of Macala,
bombing what it alleged were weapons
shipments arriving to the STC from the
UAE, which the UAE denied. The very next
day, the internationally recognized
government demanded that all UAE troops
needed to leave Yemeni territory within
24 hours and declared a state of
emergency. And then on the 2nd of
January of 2026, the internationally
recognized government declared that it
was launching a so-called peaceful
operation to regain control of the key
military sites that the STC had seized
in the Hadramat province. Within minutes
of the announcement, however, the Saudi
Air Force already began launching air
strikes across southern Yemen against
STC military targets with confirmed
casualties. While a military
spokesperson for the STC said afterward
that they were now in a decisive and
existential war against the Saudi back
forces in Yemen. Over the 3rd and fourth
of January, troops loyal to the
internationally recognized government
with Saudi aerial support managed to
rapidly and successfully counterattack
across all of the Hajramat and Al-Makra
provinces. Not only reversing all of the
territorial gains that have been made by
the STC, but also overrunning the coast
of the Hadramat province and capturing
the strategic port city of Macala that
the STC had controlled for years before
they launched their offensive. On the
4th of January, after these decisive
takeovers, the internationally
recognized government's information
minister reported to the New York Times
that their next objective could be the
STC's capital city obeyed and demanded
that the STC's forces in the area
immediately surrender as the government
reasserts its authority. By the 9th of
January, it had become obvious that the
STC was essentially a paper tiger, and
their offensive to seize control over
the eastern oil fields had all been a
colossal miscalculation. With Saudib
troops breaking into the STC's capital
of Aiden, the SEC's leader reportedly
fled the country for exile in the UAE.
And hours later, the STC's remaining
leadership under immense Saudi pressure
announced that it was completely
dissolving altogether. With the
Saudibacked government troops
overrunning all of the rest of the
former STC held territory, all within
the span of just a single month, the STC
blitzed across Yemen in a nearly
bloodless campaign. And it seemed like
it was inevitable that they were going
to secede and recreate South Yemen
again. and then they just immediately
collapsed and fell apart about as
quickly under the weight of this massive
Saudibbacked counteroffensive.
Hundreds of fighters on both sides have
reportedly been killed since the
internationally recognized government's
counteroffensive began. While all of
this has been greatly exacerbating the
rising tensions between the UAE and
Saudi Arabia, which will constrain both
of their abilities to actually contain
their mutual foe in Yemen, whom they had
previously been cooperating against, the
Houthis, who are now being presented
with a golden opportunity immediately
after they reached their ceasefires with
Israel and the United States to refocus
their attention back inward to expand
their own control in Yemen during the
chaos. The Houthies have in fact never
before been in a better geopolitical
position than they are currently. After
2 years of war with Israel, all of
Iran's other proxies in the Middle East
have been either crippled or outright
destroyed. Hamas is in tatters in the
ruins of Gaza. Most of Hezbollah's
leadership has been killed and its
fighting capacity severely degraded,
while the Assad regime in Syria has been
completely demolished and removed from
the board altogether. The Houthis are
the lone Iranian proxy in the region
that not only remains intact, but if
anything is stronger than ever before.
Their fight against Israel in solidarity
with Gaza and their constant war footing
has proven to be highly popular within
Yemen and very effective at recruitment.
In 2022, on the eve of the war with
Israel, the Houthies had an estimated
220,000 fighters within their ranks. And
by 2024, just a couple of years later,
they had managed to grow that number
dramatically to around 350,000 fighters,
which is one of the largest armies
controlled by any power in the world,
nearly the same size as the standing
army of Turkey, and their numbers have
probably only grown since then. While
the STC and the internationally
recognized government have controlled
most of Yemen's geographic land and oil
reserves, the Houthies have maintained
their control over the most densely
populated parts of the country,
including the capital city SA. Roughly
34s of Yemen's population live within
Houthy controlled territories, giving
them dramatically more manpower to work
with than their internal rivals in the
internationally recognized government
and STC have to work with. Their
external struggle against Israel in the
west have been immensely popular within
Yemen itself. While their military
capabilities have been increasing
dramatically since the war began as
well. At the start of the war with
Israel, the Houthis were not generally
capable of striking Israeli territory
directly. But by May of 2025, Houthi
ballistic missiles were capable of
accurately hitting the country's primary
airport at Bengurian near Tel Aviv. And
in September of 2025, a Houthi drone was
even capable of breaking through
Israel's vaunted air defenses and
impacted Ramon airport near Israel's
southern city of AOT, injuring 22 people
in the process. Long supported and armed
by the Iranians with ballistic missiles,
anti-ship cruise missiles, drones,
intelligence, and training, the Houthis
have also greatly expanded their sources
of arms and intelligence to other
anti-Western forces from around the
world since the Gaza war began as well.
Several of the missiles fired by the
Houthies at Israel over the past two
plus years have been found to have
Korean Hongul script written on their
components, suggesting that the North
Koreans have been supplying them with
missiles and other weapons. Russian-made
P800 on anti-hship missiles have been
reported to be in the Houthi's arsenal
now as well. While the Wall Street
Journal has even alleged that the
Russian GRU is actively present in
Houthie controlled territory in Yemen
and were providing them with the
geospatial intelligence they require to
target Western ships in the Red Sea,
while Russian oil has been supplied to
the Houthies through their controlled
porta.
China has also been allegedly supplying
the Houthies with copious amounts of
dualuse components that they've been
utilizing for military purposes. While
they're also known to have established
joint smuggling operations, training,
and weapons procurement with the
al-Shabaab militant group in Somalia as
well. The Houthies are a very different
organization than they were even just a
few years ago. And after 2 years worth
of defiant military experience fighting
against the most powerful militaries in
the world, the Americans and the
Israelis, they are far more formidable
than they've ever been before, too. With
the rest of Iran's axis of resistance
left in tatters, the Houthies now like
to claim that they are the vanguard that
now leads the Arab world in the
resistance against the American and
Israeli regional order in the Middle
East. They routinely label other major
Arab powers like the UAE, Saudi Arabia,
and Egypt all as American puppets who
have long ago betrayed the Palestinian
cause, which by extension also includes
their proxybacked governments in Yemen,
like the internationally recognized
government and the STC, whom the
Houthies have been able to effectively
label as the puppets of the puppets. The
STC's apparent strategy of trying to
declare their independence and then
recognizing Israel in return for US
recognition of their independence might
have made great external sense beyond
Yemen. But it was also a move that was
incredibly risky within Yemen because
Israel is wildly unpopular domestically
with the Yemeni people, especially
within the Houthi control territory. The
Houthis make their ultimate ambitions no
secret. They want to unify Yemen's
internationally recognized borders under
their own control and crush their
internal rivals, acquire all of their
resources, and then use them for further
rounds of fighting with Iran's backing
against America and Israel and their
allies, the Saudis and the Amiradis, in
order to push Western influence out of
the region for good. These goals, of
course, have led the Houthies into
direct conflict with virtually everyone
around them before. And while they've
taken some pretty heavy blows, they've
never been able to be fully defeated
from the outside. After attacking nearly
200 ships in the Red Sea in the Gulf of
Aiden after Israel launched its invasion
of Gaza, including the hijacking of one
ship and the sinking of two others, the
Trump administration in the US initiated
Operation Ruff Rider in early 2025. a
series of massive air and naval strikes
against Houthi radar systems, air
defenses, and missile and drone storage
and launch sites that they were using to
carry out their attacks with. About a
month into the operation, the British
Royal Air Force joined the Americans in
the aerial campaign as well. Over 52
days, the US carried out approximately
339 air strikes and hit more than a
thousand targets in Houthie controlled
territory, dropping more than a billion
dollars worth of ordinance in the
process. While the British carried out
around another 80 additional air strikes
of their own as well. And on top of the
military attacks, the US began
reapplying substantial economic pressure
on the Houthis as well by redesating
them as a foreign terrorist organization
near the beginning of 2025, suffocating
their access to the global banking
system and hampering their ability to
pay their fighters and public service
employees. The US, UK, and the Houthis
eventually entered into a ceasefire in
May of 2025. But the fight between the
Houthis and the Israelis continued on
for many more months afterward, and the
Israeli air strikes and attacks on the
Houthis were probably more devastating
than the American and British ones were.
Israeli warplanes virtually destroyed
most of the primary port that the
Houthis control at Huda. They were able
to kill the Houthi's appointed prime
minister with another strike in August
of 2025. And in October, just before
they agreed to their renewed ceasefire,
they managed to successfully assassinate
the Houthi's chief of staff as well.
Nonetheless, none of these actions have
substantially degraded the Houthi's
capability to wage war. Unlike Hamas and
Hezbollah, all of their primary
leadership and command structures
continue to remain alive and intact.
With the US and Israeli ceasefires in
place, the Houthis have been freed up
from two years of external war to shift
their focus back towards the internal
civil war within Yemen again. just at
about the same time as their rivals
being in a fight amongst themselves.
While the renewed US sanctions placed on
them have effectively removed
Washington's ability to credibly
threaten them with anything any further
as has been proven by the last 2 years
of the Americans and Israelis attempting
to bomb the Houthies into submission and
the many years of the Saudis and
Emiranis trying to bomb them into
submission before that. Aerial strikes
against the Houthies alone will never be
enough to stop them or to contain their
ambitions. The only thing that might be
able to stop them, a ground invasion and
an occupation, is completely unpalatable
for anyone to consider. The territory
the Houthies control in northern Yemen
is extremely mountainous and rugged like
Afghanistan. While the large population
of some 24 million people there are
deeply anti-western and would be all but
guaranteed to put up a fanatical
resistance to such an operation. A
ground invasion to topple the Houthies
from power would probably require
hundreds of thousands of troops in order
to be successful. Neither Washington nor
Tel Aviv have any appetite or bandwidth
to conduct the massive and costly
operation here it would take to truly
remove the Houthis from the board. And
the Houthis know it. While they also
know that if the internationally
recognized government and the STC begin
fighting amongst themselves in Yemen,
they are the ones who likely stand the
most to gain from it. It is conceivable
that the Houthies could press their
advantage and push into the rest of the
MIB province that they currently split
almost 50/50 with the internationally
recognized [music] government, which
notably has most of the rest of the
other 20% of Yemen's oil and gas fields
that the Houthis would feel more
incentivized to seize if they know
they're going to lose out on the bigger
oil fields in the Hadramat province. at
the same time. Or alternatively, they
can also choose to advance south along
the Red Sea coastline into the Thai
province where they currently contest
the regional capital with the
internationally recognized government.
The coastline in the province around the
city of Mocha is currently controlled by
forces that were aligned with the STC.
But both STC and internationally
recognized government forces have
reportedly moved away from this theater
to support the new campaign in the east
which might [music] expose this area to
renewed attacks from the Houthis. And to
give you a sense of just how far down
the list of priorities that Yemen has
fallen on the Trump administration's
agenda, [music]
there is currently not a US envoy
assigned to the country at all. While
there is one assigned to Greenland for
some reason, showing that the Trump
administration is more focused on
Greenland than it is on everything
that's about to go down in Yemen in the
heart of one of the most critical trade
arteries on the planet. Without the US
refocusing at least some attention to
Yemen, Saudi Arabia and the UAE, both
ostensibly US allies, will seemingly
continue on along their collision course
that will enable the Houthis and their
Iranian backers to take advantage of the
vacuum. While the [music] STC itself has
now been dissolved and all of its former
territory has been overrun by the Saudi
back forces in the country, that doesn't
mean that the cause for South Yemen's
independence has been completely lost.
The STC's leader is still alive and well
in exile in the UAE. While the cause for
separatism in the south of the country
also didn't come from nowhere. It's
already been reported that thousands of
people have taken to the streets in
Aiden and other southern cities to
protest in support of the separatist
cause against the Saudibbacked
government. While Saudi air power can
likely continue suppressing any major
attempt by the SEC to regain their
power, the Saudibbacked forces on the
ground that now occupy the south cities
like Aiden, which were under de facto
separatist control for nearly a decade
before now, will probably have their
work cut out for them and might even
face a long-term insurgency that could
prove difficult to ultimately contain.
But only time will tell. Hanging in the
balance, the UAE stands to lose their
keystone secession project in South
Yemen that they need in order to connect
to their other backed projects in
Somalia and Sudan for control of the Red
Sea. And with the Houthies still
powerful and waiting in place to see
what ends up happening and a potential
insurgency across the south from the now
occupied separatists, the Saudis still
stand at a risk of witnessing the
eventual partition of Yemen that could
leave behind either one or two hostile
states toward it directly on their
southern border. That'll fment
instability for decades to come. The
stage has been set for the next phase of
the long and complicated civil war in
Yemen.
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Ask follow-up questions or revisit key timestamps.
The Middle East experienced a brief period of stability in late 2025 with various ceasefires, including one between Israel and Hamas, and another involving the Houthis and the United States. However, this calm was shattered in December 2025 when Yemen's Southern Transitional Council (STC), a separatist faction, launched a surprise offensive against the internationally recognized government (IRG), seizing critical oil and gas-rich territories in Hadramat and Almahra. The STC aimed to declare independence for South Yemen, hoping for international recognition through alliances like the Abraham Accords. This move was part of a broader proxy conflict in Yemen, where the UAE backs the STC, Saudi Arabia supports the IRG, and Iran backs the Houthis. Saudi Arabia, fearing the STC's secession would leave them with a radical Houthi state on their border and lose oil resources, launched a swift counteroffensive. By January 2026, Saudi-backed forces had completely reversed the STC's gains, leading to the dissolution of the STC and the flight of its leader. This collapse, however, has inadvertently created a golden opportunity for the Houthis, who despite two years of fighting against US, UK, and Israeli forces, have emerged stronger, with increased manpower and sophisticated weaponry from new allies like North Korea and Russia. Their leadership remains intact, and their internal rivals are now weakened and fighting among themselves. Aerial strikes have proven ineffective against them, and a ground invasion is deemed unfeasible, leaving the Houthis in their strongest geopolitical position yet and poised to expand their control further into Yemen's remaining oil fields or along the Red Sea coastline. The lack of US focus on Yemen exacerbates the rivalries between Saudi Arabia and the UAE, allowing the Houthis and Iran to exploit the power vacuum, potentially leading to prolonged instability or even the formal partition of Yemen.
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