Science & Tools of Learning & Memory | Dr. David Eagleman
4213 segments
Oftentimes people will ask me like an
older person will say, "Hey, I do cross
word puzzles. Is that good?" Yeah, it's
good until you get good at it and then
stop and do something that you're not
good at and constantly find the next
thing that's a real challenge for you.
That's the key thing about plasticity.
Your brain is locked in silence and
darkness. It's trying to make a model of
the outside world. And if you're
constantly pushing and challenging it
with things it doesn't understand, then
it'll keep changing. Welcome to the
Huberman Lab podcast where we discuss
science and science-based tools [music]
for everyday life.
I'm Andrew Huberman and I'm a professor
of neurobiology and opthalmology at
Stanford School of Medicine. My guest
today is Dr. David Eagleman. Dr. David
Eagleman is a neuroscientist, a
best-selling author, and a longtime
science public educator. Today we
discuss several different features of
brain science that impact your everyday
life. And once you understand the
mechanisms behind these features, it
will position you to make better
decisions and if you choose to rewire
your brain to be a more effective
learner. We start by discussing
neuroplasticity, which is your brain's
ability to change in response to
experience or any form of deliberate
learning that you are trying to impose
on yourself. We talk about the
mechanisms for it and how you can get
better at learning and unlearning in the
context of skills and information. We
also discuss memory formation and the
relationship between stress and time
perception and why it is that people
experience things in slow motion if
those things are very stressful or
traumatic and how that can be useful for
undoing traumatic memories. David also
takes us through the neuroscience of
cultural and political polarization,
something that's very timely right now,
false memories, deja vu, dreams and the
meaning of dreams and a lot more. David
is an absolutely legendary science
communicator. I say this as a fellow
neuroscientist. He is able to embed
factual information about the brain into
real life stories and in doing so he's
able to shed light on how we work as
humans and how we can all improve our
life experience. He's a true virtuoso of
neuroscience and science education more
generally. What David shares with us
today will change the way that you think
about thinking and your own mind and no
doubt will also change the way that you
view the world. Before we begin, I'd
like to emphasize that this podcast is
separate from my teaching and research
roles at Stanford. It is however part of
my desire and effort to bring zero cost
to consumer information about science
and science related tools to the general
public. In keeping with that theme,
today's episode does include sponsors.
And now for my discussion with Dr. David
Eagleman. Dr. David Eagleman, welcome.
>> Thanks. Great to see you, Andrew. Man, I
feel like the kid that was a freshman
when you were a senior because you got
into this public facing science
education long before I did. And you've
had a an amazing career also in your
laboratory work. And today I want to
talk about all of it,
>> right? um by mostly listening and you
doing the talking and there are so many
topics in neuroscience that are
fascinating as you know but I think
perhaps the most fascinating thing about
the human brain is its ability to change
itself.
>> Yeah.
>> Plasticity. So I know how I think about
neuroplasticity. I want to know how you
think about neuroplasticity. What it is
and how we should think about it and
what we could possibly do with that
information.
>> Okay, great. I mean, this was mother
nature's big trick with humans was
figuring out how to drop a creature into
the world with a halfbaked brain and
then let the world wire up the rest of
it. And so, you know, 1953, Crick and
Watton, I worked with Crick at the Salt.
They burst into the Eagle and Child pub
and said, "We've discovered the secret
to life." Because they figure out the
structure of DNA. But that was really
half the secret of life because the
other half is all around us. It's every
bit of experience that you have. It's
your culture. It's your language. It's
your neighborhood. All of that stuff
gets absorbed by the brain and wires us
up. And I often think about this issue
of what if you were born 30,000 years
ago exactly your DNA? You pop out and
you look around and the question is
would you be you? The answer is you
wouldn't be. You'd look maybe similar
because of the same genetic blueprint,
but you would have a different culture
and a different language and different
stories and all that stuff. You'd be a
very different kind of person. So, brain
plasticity, for anyone who doesn't know,
it's it's that the brain is constantly
reconfiguring itself every second of
your life. You got 86 billion neurons.
And really, the way to think about it,
these are like little creatures that are
all crawling around and moving around.
each one is, you know, on average
contacting 10,000 of its neighbors, but
it's not like a fixed thing like you
might see in a textbook. Instead,
they're, you know, plugging and
unplugging and searching around and
finding new places to plug in, of
course, changing the strength of those
connections.
And I actually always find this weird.
It's like having all these little
creatures in your head that are
slithering around, but that's what makes
us absorb every single thing in our
worlds. And this is what uh you know
humans have that other creatures have
less of. And that's why we've taken over
every corner of the earth. That's why we
have succeed. We've gotten off the
planet. We build skyscrapers and compos
symphonies and so on because each
generation we land and we get to spend
our first few years absorbing everything
that's been discovered before us. And
then we springboard off of that and do
something new. Because we are able to
figure out all the discoveries
that have come before us because of this
ability to reconfigure our own
circuitry.
>> And uh you know if you were a an
alligator born 30,000 years ago, you'd
be the same alligator. You know, eat,
mate, swim, whatever, and you you
wouldn't be meaningfully different. But
but humans because of our flexibility,
we are the the dominant species.
>> Such an interesting take on time and
human evolution that uh and I completely
agree with you. I just had never thought
about it this way before that we land uh
when we're born and we're absorbing the
um the outcroppings of all the
neuroplasticity that came before us. We
often hear that, you know, that the
human brain is is kind of like a macac
monkey brain with a supercomputer added
on top of it. Mostly the prefrontal
cortex. A bit more prefrontal cortex.
Prefrontal cortex. Prefrontal cortex. We
actually cortex in general.
>> Yeah. Interesting.
>> We we have four times as much cortex as
our nearest neighbors in the animal
kingdom. And that seems to be the
magical stuff.
>> Not just prefrontal cortex,
>> right? And for I'm sure the listenership
knows this, but you know, uh the cortex
is just the outer 3 millimeters of the
brain. It's that wrinkly bit. And that's
the magic stuff because it turns out
cortex is a one-trick pony. The reason
the cortex looks the same everywhere is
because it is the same. It's got the
same circuitry. It's got six little
layers. It's doing the same algorithms
and it gets defined by what you plug
into it. So if you plug in a cable
that's carrying visual information, then
it becomes visual cortex. And we look at
it and we say, "Oh, look, it detects the
orientation of lines. and a detect
motion, things like that. If you plug
auditory information into it, it becomes
auditory cortex and so on. And it turns
out, you know, the way we do this in
textbooks is we make a picture and we
say, "Look, that's visual cortex, that's
auditory, that's the metaensory." But
all this stuff is really flexible. It's
it's so much more interesting than the
textbook model because you can take the
fibers and plug them in somewhere else.
So you may know this study in 2000 by
Morgankaur at MIT where he in a farret
took uh the visual information visual uh
the optic nerve and he plugged it into
the visual sorry into the auditory
cortex and then the what would have been
the auditory cortex became visually
responsive and it started caring about
vision. So what does that mean? It means
the cortex is a onetrick pony and we got
so much more of it including the
prefrontal cortex. So that has two major
effects. One is that there's a lot more
room with our species in between input
and output. So with a a squirrel or a
cat or even a macac monkey, you know,
you throw some food in front of it, it
that that sensory cortex is right next
to the motor cortex, it's going to eat
the thing, but we've got all this
computational real estate in between in
and out. So we can say, well, I'm on a
diet. I'm trying whatever you I'll eat
it later. We've got all these other
options that we can take. That's one
thing. And then the other thing is
exactly what you pointed to, which is
the prefrontal cortex, which allows us
to simulate whatifs. Allows us to think
about possible futures, simulate things
in a way that we don't have to risk our
lives doing it. We can simulate it and
say, "Oh, that would be a bad idea. Oh,
that'd be a pretty good idea." And then
we can take the action.
>> Couple different questions. Um, I'm a
big fan of McGranka's work, and I'm so
glad you mentioned that work. it it
really points to the fact that while
there are cortical areas that are
genetically devoted by virtue of wiring
when we arrive in the world too auditory
or visual that there's a lot of
crossover especially in the extreme
cases so my understanding correct me if
I'm wrong is that um if somebody is
blind from birth the real estate that
would be allocated to vision becomes
allocated to tactile sensation
especially if they learn how to braille
read um maybe auditory processing and
because they rely on it more so there's
really no blank real estate in the
cortex it's all used.
>> That is exactly right. So it turns out
um you know right people who are born
blind what we call the visual cortex at
the back of the back of the head here
that gets taken over. It's no longer
visual. It becomes devoted to hearing to
touch to memory things like this. And
you can demonstrate that people who are
born blind are better at hearing and and
at touch and so on. They can
discriminate things much more finely. Um
same with people who go deaf that the
auditory cortex all that real estate
nothing lies in the brain all that gets
taken over for different tasks and they
can do things like see your accent you
know just by lip reading they can tell
where in the country you're from and so
on. Um all of this demonstrates that
first of all the more real estate you
have the better. We are in a sense if
you've got all your senses you uh you
have to share everything and so we're
pretty good at vision and hearing and
touch and so on but everything has to
get shared. But there are pretty
extraordinary things that happen when
people devote more real estate towards
one task. And by the way, just as a side
note, this is one hypothesis about what
goes on with savantism in in autism is
that somebody for whatever genetic set
of reasons ends up devoting a ton of
real estate to let's say the Rubik's
cube or the piano or memorizing visual
scenes or something and then they are
absolutely superhuman at it. That comes
at the cost of other things. Let's say
social skills that might be needed. Um,
but the general story is if you devote a
lot of real estate towards something,
you're gonna get really good at it.
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I don't know if you saw this study that
was published in science recently that
explored um early specialization in
sport or creative endeavor versus kids
that played a bunch of different sports
or involved in a bunch of different
creative endeavors. And it turns out
that um specializing too early on
average doesn't play out so well in
terms of um kind of uh peak of success
later. Now there are exceptions, right?
But um turns out that being a bit more
diversified in in your uh physical
activities and cognitive activities as a
as a young person into the early teens
even um and beyond uh is more
beneficial. And this this to me kind of
runs counter to my images of like um
Tiger Woods uh putting uh golf balls
with his uh dad when he was, you know,
kind of still waddling. He was so
little, right? and then he becomes Tiger
Woods or um or the Williams sisters who
were you know early on. I think that
especially in the United States we have
this notion that early specialization is
really what sets you up to be
spectacularly good later. So I'm curious
what your general thoughts are for the
the every person. I mean you have kids
um and some of us still are kids who are
listening and and we all have plasticity
into adulthood. you know, is do you
think that we come into the world with
some genetic leanings toward particular
activities being right for us or more
right for us? And how do you think about
it in terms of how many difficult hard
to access things we do just so that
we're sure that we have a full
experience of life? Because what I hear
you saying and I totally subscribe to is
that our early experience becomes the
funnel through which we have more or
less opportunity later. like the kind of
width of the of the funnel depends on
how many things we did or didn't do
early on.
>> So this is really interesting because um
first of all take somebody like the
Williams sisters they got drilled on
tennis from day one and this stuff can
be taught and this is why they became
champions and this is obvious but this
is the same what you find with chess
champions and golf champions like Woods
and so on. Um you have to really spend
the time doing it. Now I find this
interesting for a few reasons. One is
that
cognitively you can understand how to
you know what a forehand or a backhand
you know is hit in tennis but to
actually get good at it you have to burn
it down into the circuitry. So actually
let me back up for one second which is
the reason that we have brain plasticity
is because this is how a brain makes
things that you do fast and efficient.
So when you're doing a task a lot like
you know serving tennis or something
you're taking that from the software to
the hardware of the brain let's say uh
I'm an amateur tennis player and and
there's Serena Williams I'm playing
against her. Um it turns out
surprisingly when we're playing she's
beaten me like crazy but my brain's the
one using all the activity. I'm the one
burning all the calories with my brain.
Why? Because she has burned tennis into
the hardware of the brain. So it's fast
and efficient. I, on the other hand, am
trying to simulate lots of things and
figure out where I should go and all
that. So the brain does this for reasons
of efficiency. Obviously the brain's
main job is to save energy because we
are mobile creatures who run on
batteries. And so um this is one of the
big things about about plasticity. So
people get extraordinarily good by doing
things over and over. the the these
these three women, the Polar sisters who
are chess champions. They're, you know,
the best to my knowledge are still the
best three female chess players in the
world. Their father from day one started
teaching them how to do chess and so on
and they all became uh world champions
at this. You know, the thing about
whether you need to have
diversification, that's an interesting
question. I can see why it would be
useful because you're learning different
ways, different moves about it in the
same way that if you learn how to
snowboard and ski, um, you know, you
might you might get better at both of
them. But I got to say, uh, when
children grow up, let's say,
triilingually, uh, or even bilingually,
they they end up having a lower
vocabulary in both languages than if
they grow up monolingually.
>> Really?
>> Yeah. It's just because of the amount of
practice you get with a language.
>> Kids, still do your uh second language
homework. [laughter]
>> In California, it's it's, you know,
growing up here, it's very useful to
know English and some Spanish.
>> I mean, very, very useful. In fact, I
wish I'd gotten better at Spanish when I
was a kid.
>> Uh, and my father's born and raised in
Wanosirus, but we didn't speak Spanish
at home, at least not very much. So, you
know, I can tell you learn a musical
instrument and learn a second language.
a musical instrument for your own
enrichment um and those around you. But
the the second language thing I think is
extremely useful at least in California
I find it to be really useful. But
>> kids are resisting this by the way now
because they say look I can do Google
translate or you know my meta sunglasses
and
>> so they're resisting it.
>> Yeah. But Google translate is not Google
relate.
>> I totally agree.
>> You know I I mean it's and I'm not I'm
hardly fluent but I can get by now. I'm
pretty good. But I've been practicing my
Spanish more and more and just by virtue
of living in Southern California, that
just happens. But I I think knowing a
second language um and being a to have
that kind of face tof face conversation
with someone, it's um even the struggle
of it is enriching in a way because
you're forcing your brain to do some
work.
>> My father spoke eight languages fluently
without accent. Uh and that's because he
went to medical school in Europe and did
his clinical rotations in different
countries and you know he was a young
man. So everywhere he went, he got a
girlfriend and then he had the incentive
to learn the language. And by the maybe
we'll come to this, but when it comes to
brain plasticity, the reward systems are
a big part of what makes change happen
in the brain. Actually, let me just
mention, this is tangential, but let me
just mention this while it's on my mind.
Um, you know, a lot of people really for
the last 30 years, ever since the
internet became a big thing, really
worried about what this is going to mean
for kids and education. I think it's
terrific. I am very optimistic about
this because
what what kids started getting a few
decades ago was this opportunity to
learn about something right when they
were curious about it. So they want to
know how to fix the bicycle tire or what
is this space physics thing or whatever
and they ask the question and get the
answer. Why does that matter? It's
because brain plasticity really happens
when you have the right cocktail of
neurotransmitters present and and that
cocktail happens to map on to curiosity
or engagement. when I'm I'm slightly
older than you are, but when we uh you
know, when we were in school, the
teacher teaches you the thing. They just
dump everything like, "Oh, the Battle of
Hastings happened in 1066 and you may or
may not ever need to know that." But
what kids get now is information right
in the context of their curiosity and
that makes a big difference because
stuff really sticks and I have been
extraordinarily impressed with young
people that I meet. I meet all these
young people who say these extraordinary
things. I say, "Wow, how did you know
that?" and they, you know, they've
watched TED talks, they've asked Alexa,
they've talked to ChatGpt and they get
the information and and it sticks. Super
interesting. I hadn't thought about it
that way. I uh I guess I'm reflecting my
age um to everyone when I say that, you
know, I remember being interested in
something and then having to bike or
skateboard down to Tower Books or go to
the library um and look things up. And I
tell myself that the effort involved in
going to get it actually is useful. But
you're right, had I been able to um kind
of look up what I was interested in and
get it right then, I probably would have
spent more time implementing the
information because I was interested in
all sorts of things that usually
involved building something or doing
something that was going to make a big
mess and frustrate my parents, right?
But I spent a lot of time searching for
the information. Yeah. Um, plus you
remember how dinner table conversations
used to go, which is that everyone
argues about something and then they
someone says, "Well, I think it's this."
And the other person says, "No, I think
it's that." And then it just sort of
stops there because no one knows the
right answer. But now everyone whips out
their phone, gets the answer, and then
and then it keeps going, which is really
terrific.
>> Yeah. It's dissolved um some of the
social dominance that comes about when
one person's word is the word that
everyone has to just kind of believe
just because they say it with more
certainty.
>> They're the father or whatever. Exactly.
>> Yeah. Or the grandfather or whoever. Or
the grandmother. in some cases, who
knows? Now, it gets checked against the
internet and uh uh claude for me or chat
GBT for for a lot of other people. I
realize that um the question I'm about
to ask can't be answered uh completely
but given what you know about plasticity
and the fact that yes you know we come
in to the world with some
pre-programming of our of our brain
circuitry but we have some control over
uh what the inputs are some depending on
our circumstances. It depends what you
mean by we. Uh, so as infants, of
course, we have no control over that.
>> As an adolescent, as a teen, as a
20-year-old, assuming plasticity extends
into adulthood, still as adults,
although it's harder, um,
>> some control over what one learns or
does. What do you think are um sort of
the core elements to uh making sure you
build a healthy, well-rounded nervous
system? Nobody's really ever attempted
to answer this question. you know, a
howler monkey learns all the things that
a howler monkey needs to do. Um, humans,
we have, as you said, the benefit of all
the technology that comes from the
plasticity of those that came before us.
And so,
>> you know, maybe kids don't need to learn
a second language, but what do you think
are sort of the the essentials? I mean,
obviously learning to communicate and
understand, learning to move, but do we
have some sense of of how you check off
the like the core 10 boxes of
neuroplasticity to make sure that by
time you land in adulthood or even if
you're still an adult that you're you're
doing the
>> quote unquote best that you can with
your brain? This is a tough question, I
realize.
>> I mean, I would say two things. One is
um you know, try to maximize along every
axis. So try to be an athlete, try to be
a scholar, try to be uh you know,
somebody who's good at social life and
has a lot of friends. All all of these
axes of life, it's worth spending the
time doing that. And if obviously we're
in an era, especially now, where there
are a million ways to waste time. I sit
on airplanes next to people and they're
playing Candy Crush for the whole
flight. And I just feel like what a
shame because there's so much you could
be putting into your brain and making
happen. You could be reading books, you
could be listening to podcasts, anything
like that. Okay. So, there's that. But
the other half that I would say is um a
lot of what we care to be depends a lot
on what's going on in the future. And
I'm fascinated by for children now in
schools,
what choices they should make because
who the heck knows what careers are
going to exist in 20 or 30 years from
now. Therefore, the main things they can
concentrate on, I think, are critical
thinking and creativity. Those are the
main things for them to figure out how
to do. What are some good ways in your
opinion to access critical thinking and
creativity? I I can imagine a number of
them.
>> Yeah. Here's something I find very
optimistic about AI in the realm of
education. Um,
you know, in any classroom, it's going
too fast for half the kids and too slow
for the other half of the kids. What we
now have the opportunity for is really
individualized education. One way this
could be implemented is AI debate. So
you take any hot button issue, abortion,
gun control, whatever you want, and you
debate with the AI and you get graded
based on the quality of your arguments
and then you switch sides and you take
the other side and you argue again. This
is the kind of thing you could never
have enough teachers for. They would
never have enough patience for. AI is
terrific at this. And by the way, it's
really important so that students get a
360 view of issues instead of
ideological capture. So this is a
terrific way to teach critical thinking
to every student, not just the kids on
the speech and debate team. Okay.
Creativity, that's easy. That has to do
with learning the foundational stuff and
then doing remixes, bending, breaking,
blending, doing new versions of it. And
I think schools can implement this
easily and without any extra expense
which is you have to teach the
foundational stuff but you compress that
so you have one extra week at the end of
each semester and then that last week
you say great take everything you've
learned and now make your own thing with
it using all the elements that we've
learned bend it break it blend it make
your own version of this. That kind of
exercise is that is creativity. That's
all creativity is is taking your
storehouse of knowledge and doing
remixes.
>> We should be teaching that.
>> So critical thinking and uh creativity.
Gerta the the German philosopher had
said uh there are two uh bequests that a
that a parent can give a child. One is
roots and one is wings. And my
interpretation of that has always been
critical thinking and creativity. Love
that and thank you for making it
practical. That's something I think any
and all of us could invest some more
time in. I also agree it's very easy to
waste time on on uh on the internet. Uh
I have a separate phone for social
media.
>> Oh, great.
>> That solved a lot of issues. Not that it
was really contaminating my life that
much. I like social media. I like
teaching and learning there and some
entertainment there. But by putting it
on an old phone, so X and Instagram are
just on that phone. It's amaz people
send me things by text and I I have to
transfer them over. Sometimes I see
them, sometimes I don't. My default
setting is no longer to just look at my
phone and look at social media.
>> Yes,
>> it has increased my productivity and
just my happiness and my level of
attention. Also, when I do social media,
that's I'm doing like a like a
purposeful like watching a show or doing
something that I would devote time for
is to not always just scrolling in the
background.
>> Do you find yourself picking up that
phone sometimes? Actually,
>> no. If I do, if I find myself doing that
reflexively, I have a uh what I call a
supermax prison lock box, which you
can't code out of. And the fun for me,
and get this, this is like really weird.
I don't know what this says about my
psychology. I'll put it in there and
I'll dial in, you know, okay, like 4
hours, and then I hit the supermax
button, and then there's this 15-second
countdown, and then I'll go 5, six,
seven, eight, nine hours. And I go,
okay, cool. Like 9 hours. So, there's
this weird thing where you don't want to
let it go, but then you
>> I really enjoy the freedom from it. so
much that the extra hours that I add on
and that last thing it feels like a gift
to myself and then I'm like I'm going to
have a great day and then when I get
back on it certainly there's this
dopamine dynamics thing where you go oh
this is a lot of fun but you have to be
super careful
>> because it'll suck you in. I'm just
amazed at how fast time goes which we're
going to talk about time perception. I
before we do that though, I I have a
question about plasticity that I've been
waiting to ask you and only you because
we have a lot of friends that are
neuroscientists, but I have a feeling
you've thought about this more than
anyone, which is are there any things
that we can do to extend the window of
plasticity? Or are there activities like
learning an instrument or or some sort
of game who knows that gives us our
capacity for plasticity uh more height,
more width um as opposed to just you
know the same principles. You need to
focus on the thing then you need to make
errors then you need to do some error
correction. You get to sleep that night
you rewire you trial and error. I mean,
we know that the basics now. I think
most people have heard them. But what
can we do to broaden our ability or
heighten our ability to get uh
plasticity?
>> Two words, seek novelty. That's the
whole game is you got to continually
challenge the brain. And this is
something that as we get older is more
important than ever. It's finding new
things that we haven't done before. You
always have to keep yourself between the
levels of frustrating but achievable.
And as long as you're trying new things,
so yes, a new instrument is great.
Speaking a new language is great. Um,
you know, obviously we're in a world
that's moving very fast. So just keeping
up with the technology and figuring out,
wow, there's this new opportunity here
with this piece of software, whatever.
All that stuff is great. This is the
critically important part. Um, you may
know these studies. There's been this
this study going on for decades now
called the the what is it? religious
orders study uh up in Chicago area where
there's a whole bunch of nuns and
priests that agreed to donate their
brains when they passed away. And then
when they donate their brains, the
researchers uh you know examine them, do
autopsies on them. What the researchers
found is that some fraction of these
nuns had Alzheimer's disease, but nobody
knew it when they were alive. Nobody saw
any cognitive deficits. Why? It's
because these these women died in their
90s.
And to the day they died, they lived in
these convents. And in the convents,
they had social responsibilities. They
had chores. They were fighting with
their sisters. They were playing games
with their fellow sisters. They were
singing songs. They were doing things
all the time. So they kept their brain
active. So even as their brain was
physically degenerating with Alzheimer's
disease, they were building new
roadways. They were building new bridges
over these areas. This is one of the big
things that tells us that uh you know
contrast this with with people who
retire at 65 and they go home and they
sit on a couch and watch the television.
They don't have as good an outcome
because they're not challenging their
brain anymore. Um so it is so important
to be doing things. You know I once
heard the expression that there's
nothing as hard that the brain does than
other people. And so for these for these
women living in convents, they were
constantly dealing with because you
never know what somebody's going to say
or how they're going to react or what
they're going to do. So this is great
challenge opportunity for the brain.
Anyway, the point is we need to always
find that with ourselves. Often times
people will ask me uh like an older
person will say, "Hey, I do cross word
puzzles. Is that good?" Yeah, it's good
until you get good at it and then stop
and do something that you're not good at
and constantly find the next thing
that's a real challenge for you. That's
the key thing about plasticity.
Essentially, the backstory is this. As
you well know, your brain is locked in
silence and darkness. It's trying to
make a model of the outside world. And
its whole goal is to make a successful
model. And when it succeeds at that and
says, "Oh, okay, wait. I I've got good
predictions about what's going on." Then
it stops changing. I That's its goal is
to stop changing. And if you're
constantly pushing and challenging it
with things it doesn't understand, then
it'll keep changing. Amen to that. I I
been trying to beat the drum that the
agitation that one feels when trying to
learn something new, it's actually a
reflection in in part of the
catakolamines, right? Like adrenaline
and norepinephrine, the frustration and
the agitation that we feel.
>> That's the feedback signal to the brain
that hey, this is different than the
stuff you know how to do. I mean,
because the neurons are not thinking,
they're firing, right? And so and so
that neurochemical millu associated with
frustration is one of the triggers that
uh generates plasticity which actually
you can resolve this question for me.
I'm struck by the fact that there's so
many studies showing that the adult
brain can change.
>> Yes.
>> And some of the more interesting ones um
involve boosting the levels of some
neurom modulator dopamine or
acetylcholine or norepinephrine or
epinephrine serotonin. But what's so
interesting to me is that seems like you
can boost the levels of any of those and
get plasticity. It's not like one neurom
modulator gives you uh the opportunity
for for plasticity. So many of the
interesting studies on psychedelics are
using psychedelics that are
>> kind of like serotonin. I mean they act
on different receptors, but they're very
serotonic. I I remind people of this
because people really like to um beat up
on SSRIs. And I agree they have their
problems and side effects, but they've
also helped a great number of people.
But whether it's SSRIs or psilocybin,
they're both just tools for plasticity
that drive serotonin. But we know you
can amplify acetylcholine, get a window
of plasticity. This is a speculative
question, but why do you think it is
that there's this sort of equip
potential of neuromodulators where
boosting any one of them can open
plasticity or the window or the
opportunity for plasticity?
>> Okay, a few things on this. as as you
well know you know all the neurom
modulators exist in a dance with each
other and and fundamentally I think
we're going to come to understand this
in 50 years as you know sort of
combination locks of things and the way
we keep looking at it in science
currently is ah here's acetylcholine or
here's serotonin or so and it's probably
not the right way to look certainly not
how the neurons are looking at it okay
that said acetylcholine really feels to
me like the main one involved in
plasticity when you are a Maybe you've
got acetylcholine going everywhere
whenever you're trying to figure out the
world. Whenever something's not matching
a prediction and you've got
acetylcholine going everywhere that
says, "Hey, I got to figure out what
just happened and how to link this with
what I did and so on." As you get older,
it's more like, you know, a pointalist
artist who just dabs things here or
there. You get to see the colon release
very locally in very in small places and
that's where you make changes. Why?
That's because as you get to be an
adult, you've got a better and better
model of the world. You don't want to
change everything. You just change like,
"Oh, I didn't realize there was that
button on the coffee machine that did
this new thing or whatever." So, you
just change little bits at a time here.
We're in this really interesting
situation in in the history of our
species where now we can do things like,
"Hey, what if we just crank up
acetylcholine or, you know, obviously
we've done lots of things with with
dopamine." Um, we always find when we
tweak these things that it's
complicated. Just as one example, you
know, with Parkinson's, people get have
less dopamine and so the medications are
to crank up the dopamine. What that led
to, you may know this fascinating story,
this probably 25 years ago now, where
you know, observant clinicians noted
that people on these Parkinson's
medications were becoming
hypercompulsive gamblers. They were
blowing their family's fortune on online
gambling and Las Vegas and so on. And
and what they realized is when you crank
up the dopamine that changes your risk
aversion such that people are taking. So
now it's a it's a contra indication
that's listed on the bottle. You know if
you notice gambling turn down the the
the the amount here. So anyway whenever
we whenever we start dialing these
around we always find things that are a
little bit out of our predictive realm.
Um, but uh the general story is that
your brain's trying to put together this
model of what's going on and as it gets
better and better, it's doing less and
less plasticity. I do want to point out
though that parts of the brain become
less plastic and others stay plastic
your whole life. As an example, your
primary visual cortex at the back of the
head that locks down early. You really
can't do much to change that. And um you
know there were studies by Logitus' lab
years ago where they looked at changes
to let's say the retina in an adult
monkey and they expected to see changes
in the visual cortex of the monkey and
they didn't see any changes at all and
that surprised them given all the
plasticity literature. But it's because
the visual cortex locks down. In
contrast, these downstream areas from
the visual cortex that care about things
like recognizing faces or new brands of
fast food restaurants or whatever it is,
those stay plastic your whole life
because there's constantly new data
coming in on those. So the general story
is the primary areas are like the I
think about it like the the software
kernels where you know if you're at
Microsoft for example there's parts of
the code that no one ever touches
because that's like how to add two
numbers and multiply whatever that's the
kernel of the code you never touch that
but you get these higher and higher
application layers on top of that and
that's essentially how to think about
primary sensory cortices and then all
the stuff downstream from there
>> perfect analogy I um for people to
understand, you know, how how much
challenge to embrace. I mean, you're not
trying to um, you know, defrag the whole
system, you know, and and and I
mentioned psychedelics. I, you know, I
do think they have some interesting
therapeutic potential. I I also worry
about and I can tell you examples of
people that got I guess now they
nowadays they call it one-shotted. They
take Iawaska a couple times and they are
forever different in ways that does not
serve them. those examples don't get
talked about quite as often as the also
many people who you know um seem to
benefit from these things. So um
plasticity it seems is not the goal.
Directed plasticity is the goal. That's
right. And it's very hard to direct. So
I feel like you know let's imagine you
could take some cocktail of
neurotransmitters and get total
plasticity of your brain. I don't think
you'd want that. You wouldn't be you
anymore.
who we are is the sum of our memories
and the sum of our skills that we've
built and you know that keeps changing.
We're always a moving target. Um and who
you will be in five or 10 years will be
different. But I don't think we'd want
the plasticity of an infant even though
when you're doing let's say language
learning you say I wish I could learn
this as well as I did when I was seven.
But uh generally it's not a state that
you would desire. I think
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to get started today. You've mentioned a
few times future self. I think uh all of
us are inherently interested in our
future selves and whether the things of
our past, present, uh and what we have
control over going forward is going to
put us in the best future self possible.
Right? Humans love to optimize or
fantasize about optimal. But how should
we think about thinking about our future
self? Or should we not do that? Right?
Should we should we should we just avoid
that loop-de-loop and um and uh get real
stoic about it and just live in
10-minute time blocks or one minute time
blocks? It raises a really interesting
question, I think, of where should we
set our time horizon
>> to not just feel the best, but to be our
best and to feel our best going forward.
>> Yeah. Our capacity to think about our
future selves is the most special part
of being humans. And you if we didn't do
it, if we said, "I'm gonna be stoked
about it." Yeah. You'd eat the the
cupcake and you do what? Like all the
things that wouldn't serve your future
self.
>> Never eat the cupcake like a real stoic
and then starve to death, right? Even if
the cupcake were the only thing,
[laughter] right? What would the stoic
do?
>> That's right. So, um, yeah, we actually
spend most of our time not in the here
and now. We're reminiscing about the
past and we're simulating possible
futures. Your your mind is a movie
theater. We're constantly thinking about
where things are going. But this is
great. This is what makes us able to do
all the things that that humans do
successfully. And in our own lives, this
matters so much because we're able to
think about who do I want to be? Now, as
you know, we've got this rivalry in the
brain. You've got all these voices going
on at the same time, all these different
networks running. So, for example, if I
put the cupcake down in front of you,
um, you know, part of your brain wants
to eat that. It's delicious. It's a rich
energy source. Part of your brain says,
"Don't eat it. You know, I I want to
stay fit." And so, part of your brain
says, "Okay, maybe I'll eat part of it.
Uh, but I'll go to the gym later." Or,
you know, I promise my girlfriend that
I'll go do this thing. What? Like, we've
got all these voices. You can cuss at
yourself. You can cajol yourself. You
can contract with yourself. And the
question is, who's talking to whom? It's
all you, but it's parts of you that have
these different drives. Now, the part
that's really amazing about us is we got
lots of short-term drives, but we also
have this capacity to look into the
future and think about who we want to
be. And that is essentially subserved by
our prefrontal cortex, which as we
mentioned earlier is something that is
a, you know, the size of it is unique to
humans. All of our closest cousins in
the animal kingdom don't have a
prefrontal cortex that's a fraction of
what we have. That's what allows us to
unhook from the here and now. Okay. Now,
here's the thing. I have been fascinated
by this for a long time about how we
sometimes know, okay, my future self is
going to act badly in this situation.
So, I'm going to do something now so
that my future self can't act badly. So,
this is the topic of my next book. It's
called the Ulisses Contract. And where
this term comes from is in the Odyssey,
Odysius, otherwise known as Ulisses, is
coming home from the Trojan War. And he
realizes that way up ahead, he's going
to pass the island of the sirens where
you've got these beautiful female
creatures who sing these songs that are
so beautiful it beggars the mind of the
sailors and and everyone crashes into
the rocks and dies. Ulisses really wants
to hear the song, but he knows like any
mortal man, he's going to fall for this
and crash the rocks. So what does he do?
He has his men lash him to the mass. So
he can't move. He has them put beeswax
in their ears so they can't do anything.
And and he tells them, "No matter what I
do, no matter how much I'm screaming,
just keep going. Just keep sailing."
>> Smart,
>> right? It's smart because what is
happening is the Ulisses of sound mind
is making a contract for the future
Ulisses who he knows is going to behave
badly. So he's lashing him to the mass.
And what I've been fascinated by is the
ways that we do this in our lives all
the time. So the example you gave a few
minutes ago about locking up your phone
in one of these lock boxes is a perfect
example because what you're making sure
is that the Andrew of two hours from now
can't do the wrong thing because you
know he might you know he's going to be
tempted. So you take away that
temptation. By the way, I recently met
uh an older gentleman who told me about
an older woman that he'd met years ago
who used to take her money, her cash,
and freeze it in a block of ice in the
freezer so that she couldn't spend the
money until she really needed it.
>> Yeah. I don't have a money spending
thing. And I actually have pretty good
control uh with with the phone and with
social media.
>> For me, there's also a I don't want to
call it a sick pleasure. There's a uh a
bit of a pleasure in knowing that it's
completely off limits
>> because it means I can't even look at it
for 10 seconds. I don't know. I think it
involves something over control of of
things that I feel like are trying to
control me.
>> Yeah. Exactly.
>> Which I do not like.
>> Exactly. Because you care about your
future self and you want future Andrew
to do the right thing.
>> So there are a million ways to make
these Ulyses contracts and I've been
studying this for years and I Yeah.
Anyway, so I decided to to write a book
on this because the way that we deal
with our future selves is just this
fascinating thing because your future
self is a little different than who you
are now. But with time, we come to
understand that our future self will
behave badly in different situations.
And so we just try to to cut those off.
I I'll give I'll give a couple examples.
One is it's super useful to get um
social pressure involved. So, for
example, I'm guessing you and I both do
this. You know, going to the gym is
something we enjoy, but it's really
useful to have a buddy where you say,
"Hey, I'll meet you at the gym at 8
tomorrow morning." And then even if you
wake up, you're a little tired, your
shoulder hurts, or whatever, you got to
go because he's going to be there. So,
getting social pressure involves a good
idea. I I I found this thing where it's
a a boot camp where you sign up for it
and every morning, you know, go jogging
together and do push-ups, whatever. But
if you don't show up, the group jogs to
your house and they stand on your front
lawn and they do jumping jack jumping
jacks and they scream your name until
you come out.
>> Amazing.
>> Yeah, it's really good to get that to
commit to that sort of thing so that
you're really going to show up. Um there
are ways to do this where you put money
on the line. So you can say, for
example, there was a woman who was
trying to quit smoking and she tried for
years to quit smoking. So, what she did
is she wrote a $10,000 check and gave it
to her friend and said, "If you catch me
smoking, I want you to donate this check
to the KKK, which to her was the most
aversive thing that could ever happen
with her money." And that's what
prevented her from smoking because the
sting of knowing that she gave her money
to the KKK was the worst thing that she
could imagine. So, there are a million
ways to do these Ulisses contracts, but
what they have in common is how do you
lash yourself to the mass so you'll keep
the good behavior you want?
Yeah, the example of this woman writing
the check is interesting because um
I could ask why couldn't she access her
inner clearly has a lot of inner fight
right like she really stands so strongly
on one camp which um I agree the KKK
horrible organization would never want
to support them in any way uh whatsoever
and um and yet she needed to do that
right she needed a punishment a
potential punishment
And so it speaks to how even if we know
something and feel something so strongly
in the present,
>> yes,
>> it still becomes very hard to um to
access our best choices.
>> Yeah.
>> Um but there's something about the
future self that we're not even in yet
that we fear our future self so much
more than than we uh can't handle the
the discomfort of our present self. It's
almost like and so we tether those in
this Ulyses contract.
>> Yeah. It's a kind of wisdom that we come
to understand how we will behave when
we're not in our present, you know,
sober, rational moment. Um, we come to
understand, for example, people who are
trying who are alcoholics and they're
trying to break that. The first thing
they're told at, um, Alcoholics
Anonymous is clear all the alcohol out
of your house. Because you might think,
okay, I'm done. I'm firmly going to not
drink anymore. So, you put the alcohol
away up in a high shelf. But on a
festive Friday night or a lonely Sunday
night or something, you might go up
there. Your future self might do that.
So what you do is you get rid of the
temptation. Same thing with people who
are trying to battle drug addictions.
They're told, "Never carry more than $20
of cash in your pocket because at some
point you're going to run into some guy
who's trying to sell you drugs and if
you got the money, it's burning a hole
in your pocket. You buy the drugs." I
don't think we can trust our future
selves. When we're in a moment of
reflection and we can think about who we
want to be, it's worth setting into
place some walls.
>> So that's about avoiding uh bad
behaviors. Um what about building toward
future self where we're trying to
envision a better version of ourselves
that involves actively doing things. So
there's always dos and don'ts in order
to become our better self. Um, how does
Ulys's contract play in when it's not
about the sirens? When it's about um
knowing that we want to be
this person or have these attributes or
having done something and trying to tie
our future self to our present behavior,
how good are we at that? Um, in general,
>> yeah,
>> better or worse than avoiding bad
behavior?
>> Oh, we're terrible at all this stuff. I
mean, take New Year's resolutions. I
mean, everybody makes New Year's
resolutions. they rarely last a week or
two before they drop off. People get
busy, people get tired or whatever. Um,
so it's just as important with the
positive things to hook things to that.
Um, for example, this idea of putting
money on the line. There are various
websites where you can do this. You say,
"Okay, look, I'm going to put, you know,
50 bucks on the line that I want to be
able to bench 250 by this date or
something like that." Um, and then
you've given your money to this company
and you have to get to that point. So,
you get your money back. Um, there are
lots of ways to do this. Um, you know,
obviously putting, you know, I think you
had James Clear on a little while ago
and and there there's all kinds of good
uh ideas that he's got about, you know,
put your running shoes near the door or
whatever so that it's easy. You get the
you get rid of the friction to go do
things like that. But all of those moves
are for your future self. When you put
your shoes near the door before you go
to sleep that night, you are doing
something because you know your future
self's going to be a little bit lazy and
tired.
>> I have friends that are uh I'll just
call them what what I would call them to
their face because it's a friendly
exchange. Are are kind of neurotic,
right? They tend to overthink things. If
they're going to go running at 8 a.m.
and it's 8:02, they're like, "I can't go
because it's 8:02, not 8. I'll go at
9:00. Got to do it on the hour." This
kind of thing. And then I know people
who are like you just do things and you
don't think about it as much and they're
good at suppressing that voice. Um I
think we assume that the the chatter the
the neurosis doesn't exist for them but
I think um I think it does. They're just
better at saying like like ignoring that
inner voice. Um
>> we're never trained how to do this.
We're never taught as kids here's when
you need to really think and deliberate
and here's when you just need to just do
it.
>> Yeah. And it's interesting to think
about, okay, different career paths,
different life requirements, and so
forth. But, um, I feel like people fall
into kind of two camps with this. Some
people need to think and analyze less
and do more. And some people actually
need to, you know, probably still do,
but maybe think a little bit more about
their behavior and reflect a bit more.
And they would probably both say, "I'm
crazy about this." Um, I won't tell you
where I land. I think I'm kind of in the
middle. No, I'm just kidding. Um,
[laughter] it depends on on what's at
hand. Yeah.
>> for most people I think. Um
>> what do you think that's about the
ability to suppress the various versions
of oneself or not?
>> The inner voice.
>> Yeah. You know, I would say one of the
most fascinating things we've discovered
in neuroscience to for my money is is
just this issue that along anything we
measure there's a spectrum. So just take
something like the internal voice. Uh
for my wife for example, she describes
it as her inner radio. She's always
hearing her inner voice. I I don't
really have one. I just never hear that.
So, we're on opposite ends of the
spectrum that way. But, you know, one of
the things I've studied is um aphantasia
all the way to hyperfantasia. That means
when you know, if I ask you to visualize
an ant crawling on a tablecloth towards
a jar of purple jelly, some people see
it like a movie in their head. That's
called hyperfantasia. Some people have
no picture at all in their head. That's
called aphantasia. And everywhere is
everyone is somewhere in between on the
spectrum.
>> What does the middle look like? So, if I
do that, if I maybe everyone can do this
right now. It's a a fun experiment. If
you're driving, don't close your eyes.
Um [laughter]
>> uh
>> picture sun coming over the mountain and
the rays of the sun poking through the
clouds
>> and then it starts raining and rains
coming down.
>> Mhm.
>> So, the question is, do you see it as
clearly as a movie or do you have really
no visual anything in your head or are
you somewhere in between? Typically,
this is judged on a scale from one to
five where five is a movie, one is no
visual at all and, you know, three is in
between. Where where do you stand on
that?
>> I feel like I can see it quote unquote
um in my mind's eye, but um it's almost
like I'm looking at a silhouette of it.
So, even though I want to see bright,
you know, rays of sun, sunshine, one of
my favorite things in life. I know
they're there, but they're actually pale
pale yellow, it's almost as if it's more
opaque than it would be in real life.
>> Yeah. You're saying people with it with
hyper hyperfantasia see it as a same way
I would on a on my phone
>> essentially. Yes. They're seeing it like
like vision. Now I happen to be
aphantasia. So it's very hard. You know
I've studied this for years. I've
interviewed hundreds of people on this
and so I get their description but I
can't I can't picture that myself. By
the way it's an interesting quick
tangent. Um for years I've talked with
Ed Catmol about this. Ed Catmull is the
guy who started Pixar. Pixar with all
these terrific animated films and so on.
Um Ed has all these patents on like how
to do ray tracing to get the you know to
get these animated characters looking as
amazing as they do. He was surprised
when he discovered that he was
afantasic. He doesn't picture anything
in his head. So he ended up giving this
questionnaire to everybody at Pixar. And
it turns out most of his best directors
and animators are aphantasic. They don't
see anything in their head. And nobody I
think would have predicted that because
it seems so strange this visual,
you know, magisterium of of Pixar. But I
I have a hypothesis about why this is.
It's because the kid who grows up who's
aphantasic,
when they're asked, "Okay, draw a
horse." You know, the kid sitting next
to them who's hyper fantasic says, "Oh,
I know what a horse looks like." And
just draws it. But the poor aphantasia
kid has to really stare and figure out
like that, okay, how does that work? And
so on and and they get better at drawing
as a result. That's why all his best
animators and drawers are people who
grew up a fantasic.
>> Interesting. I'm just uh thinking about
that movie. Have you seen that movie Bow
Finger?
>> No.
>> With with Steve Martin and uh Eddie
Murphy, which is Bowfinger is the you
know, for those just listening, it's
where you put kind of make two uh you
know L an L and and a sort of reverse L.
And it's like how you know it's about
making a movie in LA and uh it's it's
hilarious. It's it's spectacularly
funny. It's got those two folks I just
mentioned, Heather Graham, a bunch of
other people, but but he's constantly
going around and kind of envisioning,
you know, that this is the movie. This
is the movie. Exactly. And so I always
thought people that make movies are
going through life thinking, okay, like
there's the shot and there's the shot.
But I think what you're saying is that
there's somewhere in between where
people have this kind of fantasy life of
like, okay, here's this um here's the
script and then um they can't really
imagine it and so they have to put more
work into uh materializing it.
>> Yeah.
>> Okay. Well, they have a dialogue with
the page. So, if you're a guy drawing
and you know you're looking at the horse
or you're picturing what you know, Ariel
the mermaid looks like or whatever,
you're you're trying lines and
scratching and doing things, you don't
come to the table always saying, "Oh, I
know what a mermaid looks like." And you
draw it. Um, so they just end up getting
more practice and they get better at it.
>> I love this stuff because what we're
really getting at here is um, you know,
I think as you mentioned, everyone has
kind of individualized hardware and
software, but there are some
commonalities. And you know, wouldn't it
be spectacular if we knew, you know,
which you know, just like we learned,
okay, here are the macronutrients and
you perhaps want them in different
proportions depending on who you are and
what you need and, you know, and uh you
need to, as a kid, you should probably
learn how to like climb and run and, you
know, and assuming you have access to
all of that, you know, and um and jump a
little bit, but you know, maybe you
won't be an athlete, but you need to
like be active at some point and then
you be and we tend to figure out what
we're good at and then really lean into
those trenches and then by then we're
getting evaluated for it and the way
we're evaluated puts us on a career
track and there's very little
opportunity to go back and kind of fill
in blanks. Um, right there's, you know,
I I'm never going to be a musician in
part because I'm just not willing to put
in the work because there are other
things I'd rather do with my plasticity.
Right? So, um, and maybe that's best.
So, big big picture question. Um do you
think that
human evolution and the progress of
building technologies
um reflects the fact that people get
siloed into um different tracks and on
the whole that's advancing our species
right you've got people that are hunter
gatherers still very good at that and
building and other people building
weaponry and other people building AI
technologies and that that it would be
uh detrimental to our species if
everybody got sort of core
neuroplasticity training, learning how
to do a little bit of everything, right?
Um, or is that the the what we see as
chance actually part of the reasons why
humans are the curators of the earth?
Not just the prefrontal cortex, not just
the extended window of plasticity, but
how we are afforded different
opportunities to work with that
plasticity.
>> Yeah, I'd say a couple things. One is
we're clearly predisposed to particular
things. And so, for example, I'd like to
be a swimmer as good as Michael Phelps,
but I just don't have the wingspan that
he does. is he's got like I don't know
seven feet between his fingertips or
something. Gez, there's no way I'm going
to be able to be as good as he is. Um
that's a genetic thing that he drops in
the world with that I don't fine. Um so
given that people are off on different
trajectories anyway, the way I think
about this, I don't know how this will
translate just in terms of audio, but
like a space-time cone in physics is
where you start in one spot and then
there are all these different
trajectories you can take into the
future. Picture this like you're
starting at the bottom of the ice cream
cone and you can you you can take any
different trajectory as long as it still
exists within the ice cream cone. Okay.
So, um you know, we drop into the world
with our genetic skills and
predispositions. We have childhoods that
we don't choose. We're born into a
cultural language and era that we don't
choose. And that defines the limits of
the ice cream cone about where we can go
with that. As far as specialization
goes, you know, economists will argue
this is part of what makes a very
healthy society is that, you know, some
people become the lumberjacks and some
the lawyers and some the accountants and
whatever. Um, you know, I do feel like
we're in a really great era though in
general in humankind where kids do get
very broad educations and they're sort
of encouraged to try everything and
spend a few years in karate and in
soccer and in piano lessons and so on.
That's wonderful. So the my father was a
psychiatrist and he always said really
the whole job of a parent is just to
open doors for the child. That's it. So
you give the child all these lessons,
you open all these doors and then the
kid takes their own path depending on
you know this extraordinarily
complicated formula of things that we'll
never understand but they go through one
door and not the others. Kirkagard said
every man starts as a thousand men and
dies as one. And what he meant, of
course, was that you start with all this
potential. You could do all you could
have been a great saxoponist or
whatever, but you're going to die having
done exactly what you did and and not
the other path. So, what's weird about
life is that yeah, every door that you
choose, some others close as a result.
>> Kirkard uh seemingly understood that the
nervous system starts out hyperwired and
then a lot of learning is the pruning
back of connections and strengthening of
the remaining ones.
>> That's exactly right. Exactly right. You
know, so as you of course know, the the
brain starts out, you got essentially a
fixed number of neurons. There's some
debate about whether there's a few new
neurons born in humans or not. Put that
aside. What happens is over the first
two years, those neurons connect more
and more and more and more. And what you
end up getting is this hyperconnection
by the time you're two years old. And
from there, it's just a matter of
pruning an overgrown garden. And that's
all that's happening. And and the way
the pruning happens is based on what
you're experiencing in the world. the
world is what prunes your garden and and
strengthens particular paths and lets
other paths go
>> as a bridge perhaps between plasticity
and time perception which we've been
sort of doing already. Uh I have this um
practice that I've been doing for a few
years um in hopes that it's beneficial
for something and I I just like your
thoughts on it. Um I'm not looking for
approval here uh truly but here's the
idea. I was struck by the somewhat
obvious thing that, you know, we can
close our eyes, uh, focus on our
interosception, our skin, our breathing.
We can meditate, bring our awareness,
you know, into the quoteunquote present.
The breathing is seems like a good way
to do that. Um, or we can open our eyes
and we can focus on something some
distance away. Or we can imagine the
pale blue dot and we're just this little
thing running around on this pale blue
dot. And you know when we move through
those different uh realms of space, not
just outer space, but from body to out
of outside our body to outer space,
there's a different time association
with each of those. And I' I'd like your
thoughts on that. And I I just started
devoting a little bit of time to
stepping from one of these to another
and just spending some time trying to uh
think and exist in the different time
domains um in my head. And so I'll do
that maybe for 2, three minutes or four
minutes or five minutes. And I told
myself, and I still tell myself, that it
affords me some flexibility when
something's happening in the moment and
you want to get perspective. It's about
getting out of that time domain and
realizing this isn't going to go on
forever even though it feels like it.
So, I developed this as a bit of a
practice for myself.
>> Um,
>> because I I felt like it's just a it's
not a meditation. It's a perceptual
exercise. Um, so what I'm curious about
is the relationship between time
perception and where we place our
attention. That's the first question.
And then you know maybe what we can do
with this or or could we evolve this uh
perceptual exercise so that um I and and
others perhaps if they want to can start
to access different um space-time
representations which sounds so fancy
but it's really just a way of like
getting outside yourself or getting
within yourself. Sorry if I'm being um
choppy here but but this is something
that feels very important.
>> I I love that. I think that's brilliant.
Um, one of the things that is so
striking about time perception is that
you don't have a single part of the
brain that deals with that. You actually
have different mechanisms that deal with
thinking about long eras of time and
seconds and subseconds. Um, totally
different mechanisms going on here. Uh,
and and we can demonstrate this in the
laboratory. So, time perception is
something I've been studying since
graduate school. And um you know I'm
happy to say I've got papers in science
and nature and you know the top journals
on this topic. Why? Because it's such a
weird thing that's so understudied about
how why why we perceive time the way we
do. So um let me say a few things about
it. One is that it is a these longer
time scales what you're referring to
thinking about being uh far away in
space and time. This is a cognitive
development. children can't do this well
and they learn better and better. So,
for example, if you talk to a a seventh
grader and you talk about the Roman
Empire and what was happening 2,200
years ago, it's re it doesn't mean
anything to, you know, it's like, okay,
so that's the past and whatever. But as
you get older, if you become, let's say,
a professional historian, you get better
and better at understanding that. Why?
because you've lived decades and so now
you can sort of think you can sort of
feel what a century might look like and
you can sort of with practice get better
at at these things. But the point is
that is something we learn how to do
both in space and time. Obviously when
you're an infant in the crib, space is
just a really close thing and eventually
>> it's your whole world.
>> It's your whole world and eventually you
get outside and you look down long
highways in Utah and you you you really
start getting a better sense of this.
Um,
I I to my knowledge there's no data on
on what it would be to to sort of throw
yourself back and forth between these
different space-time uh scales. I love
it though. One of the classes I teach at
Stanford is called the brain and
literature. Uh, I've always been a lover
of literature and one of the things that
I love is when authors do exactly this
where they they zoom in on something
really tight and they're really paying
attention and then they zoom way out.
That is the most extraordinary sort of
feeling. Um, so anyway, I commend you on
coming up with that version of
space-time meditation or whatever it is.
That's very smart. Yeah, it was um it
was born out of this thing, you know,
the the Victor Frankle thing like
between stimulus and response, you know,
and but there's something about the
autonomic nervous system like when we're
in a heightened state of stress. Um
we're not good at getting outside of the
moment, you know, people like take 10
breaths or whatever and it wasn't that I
was having struggles with that. I just
thought so interesting like you watch a
movie and it seems to be placed in a
different time domain in each scene or
um and you know then you go for a walk
or a hike and I I have this obsession
with the idea that when we see horizons
we have a different time perception than
when we uh can't see horizons um and
there's too many variables to do this
right you could do it in VR in a VR
experiment but um because when there are
close walls you have claustrophobia but
there there ways to do this correctly
how you change your your your vision or
visualization changes your time
perception. So, I don't know. I just
look at it as a flexibility exercise.
And um and I'm a scientist and a weirdo,
so I I I do these things. Um but uh
you're the expert in time perception.
So, I wanted to ask um and I also want
to ask about time perception. Um how
good are people at perceiving time? And
um why am I always late? [laughter]
>> The why are you always late? That has to
do with Ulys's contract thing, which is
just it it requires a commitment to say,
I'm going to be the kind of guy who's
always on time. And the way to do that
is to say, I'm going to commit to always
being five minutes early. So, you get to
a place early and you just hang out in
your car and you, you know, take care of
some texts or whatever. That's the way
to be always on time. Okay. But are
people good at perceiving time? No.
We're actually quite terrible at it. Um,
and some people are better than others.
But one of the lessons that's emerged
from my research on this stuff is that a
lot of time is is illusory. Um, so you
you may know I did this experiment years
ago. I was very interested in this
question of does time run in slow motion
when you're in fear for your life?
Because when I was a child, I fell off
of a roof of a house. I almost died. I
landed on my I landed in a push-up
position and busted my nose so badly
that they had to remove all the
cartilage and so on. And I've had a
terrible sense of smell ever since
because I busted the cri cribopform
plate and everything. But the part that
interested me even as a child was that
the whole fall seemed to take so long.
It felt like, oh my god, that was this
really long thing. Obviously, I was
totally calm during it. I was thinking
about Alice in Wonderland as I was
falling and how this must have been what
it was like for her to fall down the
rabbit hole. Um, this is typical. I was
8 years old.
>> Wow. And this is typical when people are
in life-threatening situations is that
there's a sense of total calmness and
bizarre thought, but also it seems to
have taken a long time. You know, people
report this all the time when they're in
car accidents. They say, "Oh, I I
watched the hood crumple and the
rearview mirror fall off and I was
looking at the face of the other guy and
whatever." People experience this in
gunfights like police officers and so
on. Everything seems to take a longer
time. What happened is when I grew up
and became a neuroscientist, I realized
no one had ever studied that. And I got
really curious about is it the case that
time seems to run in slow motion while
you're experiencing it or is it a trick
of memory somehow? So I ran what to my
knowledge are still the only experiments
that have ever been done on this. Do you
know about this? So
>> yes and no. Yes, I'm familiar with the
paper. No, I've never heard it this way.
So keep going.
>> Okay, great. So what I did is I rounded
up 23 volunteer subjects and I dropped
them from 150ft tall tower in freefall
backwards and they're caught by a net
below going 70 m an hour. I want to be
in your experiment.
>> Yeah, you you would have loved this.
It's a re but it's terrif I did it
myself three times first to make sure it
was all running and it's equally
terrifying all three times because
you're falling backwards. Okay. What I
did is I then built a device. My
students, I built this device. It fits
on people's wrist and it flashes
information at them in such a way that
we could measure the speed at which
they're taking in information.
Essentially, we're taking uh we're
taking advantage of what's called
flicker fusion frequency where we're
flashing lights really quickly and you
can see that at a certain rate of
lights, you can see exactly what's going
on. And just faster than that
alternation rate, you can't see
anything. Okay. So we draw people, we
had them read the numbers on the
wristband and we're finding out are
people actually seeing in slow motion
during a life-threatening situation.
This is on 23 people, the results are
very clear. People do not see any faster
in a life-threatening situation. And yet
when we ask people retrospectively with
a stopwatch to judge how long their fall
was versus watching someone else do the
fall, their own fall felt much longer to
them. Okay, turns out this is all a
trick of memory, which is to say when
you're in a life-threatening situation,
you recruit not just your hippocampus
for laying down memory, but a a
secondary memory track mediated by the
amydala, you're you've got this
emergency control center, and you're
writing down memories in this other
secondary track. When you read that back
out, you say, "What just happened? What
just happened?" You've got all this
density of memory that you don't
normally have because you've written
down every detail. So your brain says,
"Oh my gosh, this is what happened and
the hood crumpled and so on." Um, but
it's because all we're ever conscious of
is our memory of an event, as in what
happened during the event. So when
you're in a life-threatening situation,
you write more down. You think it took
longer um to uh to transpire. And by the
way, this issue about memory equals time
explains a lot of things. For example,
the issue of when you're a child and a
summertime seems to take forever and
then by the time you're our age,
summertime seems to disappear. It's
because as a child, you're figuring out
the world. You're writing down lots and
lots of memory during that summer. Oh,
this is the first time I ever saw a
waterfall and went hiking here and did
this thing. But by the time you're our
age, you've sort of seen all the
patterns before. And so what we're, you
know, when we look back at a summer, we
don't have much new footage to sort of
anchor on. So we say, "Oh, well was the
winter, now it's the fall. Okay, fine. I
guess that was really fast.
>> Amazing.
>> So, this is why time speeds up as we as
we grow older.
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I mean, I feel like these are what
you're covering today is uh like the the
most interesting things about life and
experience. I have a question about um
the fall experiment.
>> Yeah. Is it accurate to say that
your perceptual frame rate during a
highly stressful experience is not
different?
>> Is no different.
>> You're not taking uh a um higher frame
rate movie. Yeah.
>> Okay. Which is more frame rate is how
they generate slow motion for instance.
Makes sense. Like as opposed to strobe
frame rate or you know just right. Um
but that in some sense your unconscious
frame rate is because the amydala is
tracking more information than you
normally would have have access to in
say a calm everyday experience and so
the memory is higher frame rate but the
experience is not you know yeah it's
really close I wouldn't say I wouldn't
use the term frame rate in there it's
just that you have under normal
circumstances you write down almost
nothing you just everything's passing
through you're not really remembering
much but in an emergency situation, your
amydala being the emergency control
center says, "Everybody stop what you're
doing. This is the most important thing
going on. Everyone pay attention to
this." So, you're noticing every detail
and you're not used to that. So, just
for anyone who knows what I'm referring
to here as a basian issue, um you know,
you you your brain thinks, "Okay, a
certain amount of memory must equal a
certain amount of time." Now, you've got
just a lot more detail. And so, it says,
"Oh, well, that must have been, you
know, six seconds or something." I what
I did by the way I collected hundreds
and hundreds of subjective reports from
people who had been in accidents of
various sorts. You this guy got in a
motorcycle accident and had you know
come off the motorcycle and had turned
over and over and over on the road and
he said as he was rolling over and over
he was like composing a little diddy in
his head like a little song to the sound
of his helmet hitting the road and so on
because this is the kind of bizarre
thought that people have. But it seemed
to have taken a long time and when he
saw footage of it afterwards, you know,
the whole thing took whatever a second
or two, but it seemed to him to have
taken six seconds. But again, it's in
retrospect when he's thinking, what what
happened? What was the event like? Um,
by the way, I'll just mention after I
published this paper, sometimes people
would come up to me after a talk and
say, I know that's not true because I
was in a car accident. I know it took a
long time. And I said, "Okay, look, the
the person on the passenger seat next to
you who was screaming no, did they did
it actually sound like they were saying
no?" Because if time were running in
slow motion, that has to be the
consequence that everything is spread
out. And they had a allow that it didn't
sound like sounds were distorted and so
on. So um it is really about having more
higher density of memory.
>> Super interesting. What about for
nonstressful, non life-threatening
circumstances like let's pick a a purely
happy event?
>> Yes. Yes.
>> One would hope day of one's wedding. Um
>> yeah,
>> you know, I was about to say birth of a
child, but depending on how you know
who's doing the majority of the work and
how stressful it was, I mean, of course,
the birth of a healthy child is a super
wonderful event, but it can be very
stressful, too, under certain
circumstances. So, let's pick something
purely happy, right? uh a terrific
wedding, a great party, maybe a vacation
with your spouse or family where it just
is like bliss day.
>> Yeah.
>> Are you clocking more experiences? So,
anytime you're doing something novel,
and this actually ties back to the
conversation we had before about seeking
novelty, whenever you're doing something
novel, you're writing down more memory.
And that's the whole key. So, for
example, if you spent your last weekend
going off and doing something wacky
you've never done before, parasailing
and over sharks or whatever the thing
is, you'd come back and you think, "Wow,
it seems like it was so long since
Friday. Now it's Monday. It's been
forever since I was back in the studio."
But if you have a normal weekend, we're
not doing much of anything but surfing
Instagram or something. Then you come
back and you think, "God, it was just
Friday."
The difference is just how much memory
you clocked and therefore
what you can draw on in terms of
footage. Um I I actually think this
happens with drugs where people, you
know, people sometimes have the
experience on marijuana where they
think, "Wow, I've been standing here
forever." And it's because they're
having a hard time anchoring down on
footage about like when did I arrive to
the kitchen and when what happened since
I've been here and so they just they
don't know. But uh anyway, the point is
sometimes people have this idea about
time speeding up as you get older. They
say, "Well, you know, to an to an
eight-year-old, a summer is this fra big
fraction of their life, but to a
50-year-old, it's a it's a smaller
fraction." But I don't think that's it
at all. It's that it's it's what you did
this past weekend can make the weekend
seem longer. When it comes to some great
new event like the birth of a child or a
wedding or whatever it is, it has to do
with how much attention you're paying
and how much memory you're writing down.
And that means it is to some degree in
our control. If we really attend to
things and write down memories instead
of letting life just wash over us,
we can seem as though we've lived
longer. I'm not talking about longevity.
I'm just talking seeming as though
you've lived longer, which is look,
here's here's something that I try to do
all the time is just switch stuff up.
For example, brushing your teeth with
your other hand. Not hard to do, but
it's just one of a million ways of
knocking yourself off a path. One thing
I try to do every time I drive home from
Stanford is I try to take a different
drive home, a different route home. You
know, waste an extra minute, whatever.
But it's I'm seeing new things. I'm
observing new things about the
neighborhood or whatever that I hadn't
noticed before. One thing that's very
easy to do is just rearrange your
office. like push your desk over here,
take two paintings and just swap them on
the wall. All this stuff is super easy,
but it really matters. It's important
because what it's doing is enhancing
brain plasticity in the sense of just
challenging, you know, your your
internal model says, "Okay, I've got
I've got this world." And then suddenly
says, "Oh, there's something new.
There's something interesting going on
in this world." And it makes it seem as
though you've lived longer because
you're writing down more memories about
everything.
>> Gosh. Uh this time perception thing, uh
I spend way too much time thinking about
it. And um and I'm still trying to wrap
my my head around how much time we
should spend trying to be present. So I
have a and this is not an official
definition but my kind of um
understanding of the dopamine system and
addiction as I say uh and people have
heard me say before you know an
addiction is an progressive narrowing of
the things that bring you pleasure. It
also involves continued use or uh or
behavior despite negative consequences.
But but but I mentioned the other
definition of addiction uh progressive
narrowing of the things that bring you
pleasure because I was trying to come up
with some um at least semi at least
accurate if not but not exhaustive
definition of kind of like enlightenment
when people talk about enlightenment
right all these monks who are so get so
present through all this meditation or
people go to big su and they get you
know they're so present present present
enlightenment I think of one definition
might be okay I'm not the authority on
this but might be a progressive of
expansion of the things that bring you
pleasure. But to really get pleasure out
of a sip of water. I'm not terribly
thirsty right now. If I take a sip of
water, it doesn't taste anything like if
I were very thirsty. But we need to pay
attention. We need to be in the pre what
is paying attention? It's being
>> most of the time in the present, right?
Paying attention to these things. But if
we spend all our time in the present, we
um we eliminate Ulyses contract.
>> Yeah.
>> So the extremes can't be good. But I
think it examining the extremes like the
freef fall experiment, they're useful uh
windows into time perception and how and
how we measure life. It could be that by
establishing Ulys's contracts in many
aspects of our lives, we get more of an
opportunity to be in the present because
we know, look, I don't have to worry
about my future self. I'm not going to
eat that cookie. I am going to go to the
gym, whatever, because I've already set
up these contracts. I don't have any
cookies in my house. I'm meeting my
buddy at the gym. Whatever. Then you
have more of an opportunity to be in the
present. Um, you don't have to simulate
all kinds of futures. Um, yeah, I think
paying attention to things matters a
lot, but we have to be smart about what
we pay attention to. I mean, it might be
lovely to really love the water and so
on, but not, you know, your Instagram
feed or something. So, it's just a
matter of uh of thinking clearly about
what you want to pay attention to and
devote your memories to. And this this
translates into what you set up. Like,
I'm going to set up a dinner at my
house. So, I'm going to invite my close
friends and I'm going to have this
dinner and pay 100% attention to this
dinner. I'm going to be present at this
thing because that's the stuff of life.
>> Where I'm getting to with this is that
there's um beauty and there's tragedy at
every spatial scale and every temporal
scale, right? I unfortunately in my
neighborhood, you know, this issue has
not been resolved. Um, in many places,
you know, we have a we have a
homelessness and drugaddicted and mental
illness population and those intersect
in very complicated ways that is so
extreme that you can see people who are
um paying immense amount of attention to
what anyone else would consider trivial
like the the you know bits of dirt in
the on the sidewalk and so and we and
it's so tragic, right? We can see that
that's not a a good use of one's time,
attention and focus, right? But there's
also beauty at all sorts of scales,
right? I think one of the obsessions
that people have with like fractals and
you know these um organization at very
small scales all the way up to very
large scales is it it brings us to this
like relationship with life like there's
all this stuff we can't see and it's
beauty at every scale, tragedy at every
scale, right? I mean there I don't even
have to mention a tragedy at massive
scale because they're all over the world
and they have been throughout human
history frankly. By the way, I was just
I was just in Las Vegas at CES uh giving
a talk yesterday and as I was leaving, I
looked out the window and there was, you
know, this uh Chinese lion statue and
there was this homeless woman smoking a
cigarette and she was rubbing this thing
very vigorously and the guy driving the
car told me, "Oh, that's good luck if
you rub the statue," which is of course
ridiculous. But the woman was rubbing
and rubbing and that we're at a red
light and I watched her for, you know,
like 60 seconds doing this. And yeah,
and it was tragic to me because her
brain has set up an association which is
if I do this action, there will be this
result. That's what her future
simulation is telling her. And as far as
we can tell, that's not true that she'll
have good luck from doing that. But
yeah, that was an example of tragedy.
Yeah, it's almost like the the uh the
worst thing for any human uh suffering
from mental illness or not is to
proverate on one spatial or time scale
to like get in the tunnel of the thing
that's right in front of you or to be
lost out. You know, you we see people
and and we even know some people are
arguably a little bit strange and they
don't not maybe perhaps to the extent of
full pathology, but they got their head
in the clouds all the time. You can't
really function in life. They need
handlers, right? I know some creative
people like this. The only reason why
they are not like the first person I
described is because they have handlers
to handle all the stuff that's at closer
spatial scale. Get the get organized.
Get you know and but uh actually a good
examp I'll just give a concrete example
because he was so awesome. I didn't know
him personally but Shane McGawan the
singer for the Poges
>> who had severe this is not a secret had
severe issues with alcohol. Um all his
teeth had rotted out. Later in life they
gave him teeth. I was once going to see
the Pogues in San Francisco. I love the
Pogues. And that day I got I got to the
city early. I brought my work up there
and I see this guy walking along Giri. I
didn't know who it was at the time. He's
got like this really nice like it looked
like almost like a silk shirt and the
tag is still on it and he's just
shuffling out into traffic and I'm like,
"Oh my god, this guy's going to get
killed." So I get out. It's Shane
McGowan. And then his team comes running
over like, "Oh, we got to get him back."
And he was so blasted he didn't even
know where he was. And apparently that's
how he was much of his life.
that evening he got on stage, barely
made it to the microphone and gave a
legendary one of many legendary Pogue
shows, right? I mean, it's just um and
for those that don't know the Pogues,
you should look it up. And if you do, I
mean, they there tons of movies and the
Love You Till the End song that's in
every romantic comedy, that's them. And
you know, it's just so there are people
like that. And oftentimes that ultra
creatives they're they're a drift but
you can in it seems to I'm not
suggesting the alcohol but they but to
be able to kind of pull all that into
the moment seems to be their super
skill. Most people it seems and I I
wonder if you think a definition of
mental health is the ability to switch
out from these different time domains
because you also don't want to be in a
watchmaker mode all the time. That
watchmaker needs to pay attention to his
or her kids. Well, I tell you, Albert
Einstein said that he really enjoyed
tasks like fixing a doorork knob in his
house or something. And I knew that all
the time. I did lots of I live in this
very old house and I'm doing lots of
little dinky repairs all the time. And I
love that just crossing these scales.
But I do want to say something about
addiction because I think this is an
awesome example about brain plasticity
and something that I wrote about in in
my book Livewired about this, which is
addiction is all about brain plasticity.
put a certain drug in your system and
what your brain does is it upregulates
the receptors for that drug which is its
way of saying oh I didn't know the world
consisted of this stuff good I'm going
to prepare for this now and I expect
more of it so then you give it more and
this is great I'm going to upregulate
the receptors again and it comes to
expect that this is in the world and
then if you stop you have these awful
drug withdrawal symptoms precisely
because you've changed your system now
it's expecting the world to have that.
So I draw an analogy between that and
heartbreak because when somebody that
you love let's say dies or leaves town
or whatever the thing is um your brain
has come to expect the presence of that
person in your world has thought okay
the world consists of this and now that
person is gone and heartbreak is a
really painful physiological thing that
you have to go through as your brain
readjusts to the world without that
something that uh I would hope no one
would have to experience, but everyone
loses people uh at some point um or or a
pet or or both. Um, do you think that uh
constant engagement in um, let's just
say like Tik Tok type social media with
it um, upregulates the quote unquote
receptors or of expectation for it that
make it harder for people to to stop
using it because the drug an addiction
definition you gave, which I love, um,
you know, dopamine receptors for
methamphetamine or for cocaine or and so
on, but uh, for an experience, for
gambling, for social media, um, the the
receptors there's become more like
circuit activations or like the circuits
of the brain anticipate it and if they
don't get it, do you think that there's
a kind of a withdrawal like effect?
>> I don't know how I feel about this. I
wonder when we were growing up, people
said, "Oh, it's the television. It's the
television is ruining everyone's
attention span."
>> It'll rot your brain. I remember your
brain.
>> My mom would kick us out.
>> This was very common. She'd say, "You
got to go outside." She would lock us
out of the house. We weren't allowed
back in. She said, "Don't come back
until until dark."
>> Yes. Exactly. We we did not have the
option to watch cartoons or for more
than a couple minutes after school. We
were forbidden so she could get peace
and we could get activity.
>> Exactly. And younger people might not
know the telder was called the boob tube
where a boob was like an idiot and that
was the idea. That's where the term
YouTube you know was a funny derivation
of that. But the um right so now what
kids are watching is lots of content. I
mean we're all watching lots of content
on Instagram, Tik Tok, much of which is
great. It's well produced. It's matched
to our interests. And so I don't, you
know, are we addicted? Yes. Is it an
addiction because it's offering better
content than many other things in our
life? In some sense, yes. So, I'm a
little torn on it. The other thing that
we've all noticed though is that people
don't seem to be happy when they spend
time scrolling on it. They're kind of
tempted to do it, but when they finish,
they never feel like, "Wow, that was
really a great experience." Um, they're
kind of drained from it. So, in that
sense, it has the characteristics of an
addiction where you keep going back to
it, even though you're not getting the
high from it that you did the first
time.
>> I will say, um, as long as I use it
properly, I I love social media and
YouTube. I'm not just saying that as a
political statement. Got to teach on
YouTube. I learned from you, I learned
from others. Like the other day, I
wanted to um learn about architecture.
It's not like during my workout, I put
on a YouTube thing and just listen to
it. Uh, like a basic history of certain
architects in the United States. was
like, I learned so much. Like, we
couldn't do that when we were kids. It's
awesome. It's just awesome. And then
that set off in the algorithm some
really good suggestions of some other
things.
>> And then when I didn't watch those, it
offered some other and I'm like down the
rabbit hole of stuff that I never ever
ever would have encountered. It's really
cool.
>> This is precisely why all these kids
have the opportunity, I think, to be so
much smarter than we were. Yeah. I'm
just I'm just super enthusiastic about
it. And now with AI, it can be even a
whole different level. I mentioned this
thing before about, you know, using AI
to debate, but just even in general,
just saying, "Hey, I'm curious about
this." How does this, you know, how does
a flying buttress work or something?
Hey, chat GPT. Hey, Clyde, blah blah.
And you get the answer. Wow, what a
great what a great opportunity for kids
growing up.
>> Are you using YouTube to try and help uh
you you fix up these uh things in your
house?
>> Oh, sure. Everything I fix, I learn how
to do it on YouTube first. Yeah.
>> Very cool.
>> Now I'm using AI to do it. I I've got
this lighting thing and I couldn't
figure out. So, I took pictures and I
said, "What am I looking at here and
where's the box and the transformer or
whatever?" And it was pretty good at at
telling me what what to do next.
>> That's awesome. Um, you have a company.
This is not a promotional anytime you
mention.
>> Actually, wait, can I pause? Yeah.
Neoensory I actually sold six months
ago, so I don't have it anymore. Just
>> Yeah. All right.
>> So, had a company. Yeah.
>> Congratulations.
>> Thank you.
>> But Neoensory was a really neat idea of
combining different senses. um people
wearing bracelets so they could feel
sounds and um and so forth. Um can
anyone do this even if they're not
deficient in vision or in hearing um or
in some other modality?
>> Yeah. So I got I just got really
interested in this topic about pushing
information into the brain via unusual
sensory channels. So for example, as you
referenced, I you know I built a
wristband that captures sound and turns
sound into patterns of vibration on the
skin. This is for people who are deaf
and deaf people could learn how to hear
that way. Why? Because this is the same
thing that your inner ear, your coia
does. It's just capturing vibrations on
the eardrum and translate breaking that
up into different frequencies, shipping
that off to the brain in terms of
spikes, just these, you know, voltage
spikes along nerves. Um, we're doing the
same thing except we're pushing it in
through the skin. It goes up the spinal
cord to a different part of the brain.
But the brain can figure that out. How?
Because it's doing correlations. it sees
somebody's mouth move. It's feeling the
sound and it figures out how to hear
that way. Now, this idea of sensory
substitution,
um I, you know, I wish I'd invented
that, but it actually has a long
history. The more I research, I found
out it goes back to the 1800s, um when
people first started asking, hey, can
you push information into the brain in a
weird way? So, the very first one was in
the 1880s. Um they had a little uh a
little camera lens that would just
detect light and dark and it would get
translated into a buzzing on your
forehead and um for people who were
blind they could tell you know okay well
there's there's a wall over here and
then there's an opening over here and so
on and then people worked on this. The
first major paper was in 1969 in nature.
A guy named Paul Bockyita took blind
people and he put them in a dental chair
and he had this thing that would poke
them in the back. A grid of 40x40 little
solenoids that would poke you in the
back and he set up a video camera.
Whatever the camera saw, you would feel
that in your back. So if it's looking at
a triangle, you feel that triangle poked
in your back. If it's looking at a face,
you feel the face by. So blind people
got pretty good at doing this,
especially once he let them control the
camera. So they could move the camera
any way they wanted. People got really
good at being able to tell what was
going on.
>> So it was following them around as they
move through the world.
>> No, they were sitting in this dental
chair. Um and and that's exactly it. In
1969, the technology was really clunky
and heavy and got hot and whatever and
there was no way to make it portable in
a meaningful way. But as time has gone
on, we've been able to do that now. And
so Paul Bakyita's research, he passed
away some years ago, but his research
has continued with something called the
brainport, which is again for blind
people. So with the brain port, the way
this works is you're wearing this little
camera on your head on glasses. And
you've got this uh little electrical
grid on your tongue. And so whatever the
camera is seeing, you feel that on your
tongue. It feels like pop rocks. So if
I'm looking at the coffee cup in front
of me, I'm feeling the outline of the
coffee cup. And blind people can get so
good at this, they can do things like,
you know, throw a ball into a basket or
navigate a complex obstacle course.
>> Whoa.
>> It sounds crazy, but the thing to
remember is the way you normally see is
your eyeballs are, you know, these these
devices embedded in your skull here that
are capturing photons and turning that
into spikes that race into the darkness
of your brain. Electrical signals.
Exactly. And so this is just turning
what your tongue is feeling into spikes,
these electrical signals that race into
the darkness of your brain. And you can
figure it out. You can learn how to see
that way. And again, it's with
correlation because you feel something
with your fingers. Maybe you hear
something also. And so you're putting
that together and your brain says, "Oh,
okay. I got it. There's a visual thing
out there in the world." And the really
wacky part I'll just mention is that
people using the brain port who let's
say used to have sight and lost it they
will report it is like sight. They say I
remember seeing and this is like seeing
even though it's coming through their
tongue and with the neoensory wristband
that we built um you know I interviewed
a guy after he'd been wearing about six
months and I said look when you hear a
dog bark do you feel the buzzing on your
wrist and then you think okay that must
be a dog bark. He said, "No, no, I hear
the dog bark out there." Which sounds
crazy, but obviously that's the same
crazy thing happening with our ears. You
know, we've got this whole mechanism
going on that we're very used to. And
so, we say, "Oh, of course the dog is
out there." But in fact, it's all
happening in here in the darkness of the
skull. I'd like to take a quick break
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Recently, I've been um listening to a
book that I read previously, which uh I
love, by the way. I love Livewire. Thank
you. I'm not just saying I've read it
like three times um when it came out. I
need to revisit it. I like to reread
books. Yeah. I believe in rereading
books. Um Ed Young uh wrote a book
called An Immense World. Um he's not a
scientist, but he's a science writer,
and it's about different um sensory
modalities that different animals use.
>> Yeah.
>> And for an animal lover like me, it's I
found it really spectacular. But he he
says something that I totally agree
with, which is that we shouldn't think
so much about whether or not um a given
animal is good at smell and bad at
vision or really good hearing or the
valuations of these things are really
tough. With visual acuity, we can do it
like you know an eagle eagle resolution
and you know versus human resolution.
But when it comes to things like smell
or touch, the better question uh he says
and I agree is um how much does a given
organism or person rely on a given sense
will tell you sort of their abilities
with that sense.
>> I mean there's some bounds on that,
right? I I can't echolocate like a bat,
but
>> I'm guessing that if I had to in order
to navigate an environment, I could
learn to echolocate. And I think there
are there are individuals who have
learned to echoloccate.
>> Exactly. In fact, the term was coined in
1930 in a science paper this gentleman
wrote called echolocation in bats and
blind men. And uh blind people since at
least almost a hundred years now can do
this thing where they use clicks of
their tongue or the tap of their cane or
any kind of sound that they make and
they listen very carefully for what's
bouncing back to them and they can
echolocate. It also turns out that
seeing people can echolocate if it is
relevant to them. you know, if you
really want to put the effort into it,
you can learn how to do it. Again, this
just points to the plasticity of the
brain, how how good it is at doing this.
Some years ago, I suggested this Mr.
Potato Head theory about thinking about
the brain, which is whatever senses you
plug in to a brain, it'll figure out
what to do with that information. And
so, when we look across the animal
kingdom, we find all kinds of very weird
stuff. Not only you know eagle eyes and
so on but we find um you know many
animals like let's say snakes they pick
up on infrared range of vision which
which is invisible to us. Um you've got
lots of fish that pick up on
perturbations and electrical fields.
They have electro reception. Um you have
this animal called the starnosed mole
which has this nose with 22 fingers on
it. It feels its way through these
tunnels with like these 22 fingers. this
weird thing. Lots of birds and animals
and in uh birds and cows and insects
have um magneto reception so they can
pick up on the magnetic field of the
earth and they can navigate that way.
For years I was staring at this stuff
and figuring out how in the world does
evolution happen so quickly that you can
do all this. And this is what led me to
this theory that mother nature really
only had to invent the brain once.
Figure out the principles of brain
operation. And after that, she could
spend all of her time tweaking the
genetics to make all these weird
peripheral devices that you plug in. And
it's all plug-andplay. Whatever weird
thing you come up with, you just say,
"Okay, cool. I'm going to plug this in."
And I and I'm sure the brain will figure
this out. And it always does. And that's
exactly why we can do sensory
substitution. And by the way, sensory
enhancement or sensory addition where
you can add completely new senses. One
example is uh my colleagues at Ozna
Brookke built this this belt that you
wear that's got vibratory motors all
around it and this is a little digital
compass on it so it can tell where north
is. So whenever you're you know
whichever direction north is on your
body you feel that motor buzzing. So it
might be on my left hip if north is that
way but if I turn around I'll feel that
on my right hip and so on. And people
get really good at being able to detect
which way north is. Just as one example,
it's really easy to add new senses like
magneto reception in this case. And
people can figure this stuff out.
>> So cool. Uh as a fan of the X-Men in
particular, I mean, you mentioned
Magneto, but that's uh but in general, I
mean, yeah, different mutations give
rise to different abilities, and that
whole series of the X-Men is really
about kind of extremes of genetic
mutations giving abilities. And and
there's some social discussion in there,
too. But um let's talk about dreaming
because you mentioned that um you know
everything that we perceive as out there
uh beyond our reach um is occurring by
virtue of electrical and chemical events
in our brain. It's all vaulted in in
there. Um dreams are are a unique
situation where typically people's eyes
are closed when they sleep and um
they're often paralyzed during REM
sleep. Um, and yet we have very visual
dreams. I know you talked about this in
LiveWire, but please share with us what
you think is the origin of the the
visual component of dreams, and I'm
curious if it relates back to the um uh
the visual imagery um continuum that you
mentioned earlier. Do some people just
tend to have more visual dreams and
other people don't?
>> Let me answer that second part first.
We're not sure about that. I ask people
all the time who are aphantasic oric,
hyperfantasic about their dreams. It's
hard to tell. I don't see something
obvious there, which is to say when
there's dreams, you're getting this
activity blasted into your visual
cortex. So, it's like vision. So, so let
me back up to answer the question about
uh my my new theory about why we dream
because this has everything to do with
brain plasticity. So, here's where this
got started. Um, by about 2013, some of
our colleagues at Harvard did this
experiment where they put people on the
scanner and they blindfolded them
tightly and they were looking at what
was going on in the brain and um, you
know, with with touch and with sounds.
And it turns out that if you're
blindfolded after about an hour, you
start seeing a little bit of activity in
the visual cortex when you are touched
or when you uh, hear something. Now,
this was crazy because we know that if
somebody goes blind, you know, hearing
and touch will take over that territory.
But we thought that was on the scale of
years. And and here what they were
demonstrating is that within 60 to 90
minutes, you start seeing little blips
of activity. Why? It's because you've
got all this crossmodal wiring. In other
words, you've got neurons, let's say, in
the auditory cortex that actually reach
all the way over to the visual cortex.
And same with touch neurons and so on.
These are normally silent. They don't
normally do anything, but they are
ready. They're like silent sentinels
that say, "Hey, just in case this
territory stops getting used, I'm taking
over." Okay, so here's what my student
and I realized is that because we live
on a planet that rotates into darkness
every night, the visual system is at a
unique disadvantage. Because when it's
dark, you can still hear and smell and
touch and taste, but you can't see. And
obviously I'm talking about evolutionary
time before the invention of lights
which was the last nanocond of
evolutionary history. Um it was really
dark at night and you can't see and so
you know you'd go into the corner of a
cave and curl up and go to sleep. But
the key is that the visual system was in
danger of getting taken over during this
long extended period of darkness. So
what we hypothesize is that dreams are
the brain's way of defending the visual
cortex against takeover from the other
senses. And when you look at the
circuitry, it's this very specific
circuitry. Starts in the midbrain, goes
to an area called the lateral geniculate
nucleus, and plugs straight into the
primary visual cortex. And that's it.
Every 90 minutes, you have this volley
of activity that just slams into the
primary visual cortex. It doesn't go
anywhere else in the brain. And so every
90 minutes, you've got this automated
way of making activity happen there. And
because we are visual creatures, we see
that as a dream. We see a whole story.
And because the brain is a, you know, a
storyteller, we impose plot, meaning,
and we have emotion that goes with that.
Um, but the key is this is the brain's
way of defending territory in the dark.
And so what we did then is we examined
very carefully 25 species of primates
and looked at their brain plasticity. Um
and you can measure this with different
proxies like you know when they start to
walk and when they get to reproduction
age and so on and um you know some
creatures like the grey mouse lemur
which is a type of monkey um you know he
uh they are born let's just say
pre-programmed you know they they pop
out they're really quick to stop you
know to to wean and uh and and reach
juvenile age and reproduce and so on.
Whereas you look at homo sapiens we're
super slow. We've got these extended
infies and we take a long time to learn
how to walk and so on. Okay, because
we're very plastic, we end up in the
world halfbaked. Okay, well it turns out
if you plot how much REM sleep each of
these animals get, the more plastic the
animal, like homo sapiens, we've got
tons of REM sleep. And by the way, this
is mostly in infancy. Infants spend 50%
of their time in REM sleep. As you get
older and your brain becomes less
plastic, you have a drop off in REM
sleep.
And by the way, when you look across
animal species of all types, you find
that the animals that are born with
extended infies and need to figure out
how to do stuff in the world, um they
all have much more REM sleep, like eight
times more REM sleep than animals that
are born essentially mature, like you
know, cows and giraffes and zebras and
whatever. You know, they show up, they
start walking in 40 minutes and so on.
Um they have much less REM sleep than we
do. So anyway, this is our hypothesis
about why we dream and it's the only
hypothesis that makes quantitative
predictions across species.
>> Super interesting. Um and we know that
REM associated dreams are much more uh
elaborate
than deep sleep dreams.
>> Yeah. And the important part here of
course is they're more visually
elaborate. Um you know there there are
dreams that people can have in deep
sleep. Obviously, the way that this gets
studied is, you know, is you rouse the
sleeper and you say, "Hey, what were you
just dreaming about? What were you just
thinking about?" And so, if you do that
during REM sleep where their eyes are
moving around, uh they'll say, "Whoa, I
was just, you know, riding across a
meadow on a camel and this was what was
going on." If you wake somebody during
other stages of sleep, deep sleep,
they'll, you know, they sometimes have
something like, "I was just considering
this feeling I had of whatever, but it's
not as visual.
>> It's not as rich." By the way, people
who are blind still have dreams, but
their dreams are not visual. They have a
dream like, "Oh, I was, you know,
feeling my way around the living room,
but all the furniture was rearranged and
then I felt in the corner and it was a
jaguar and the jaguar started chasing me
and I was trying to get away from it and
so on." But it's sound, it's touch, it's
things like that. Why? Because their
occipital lobe at the back of their head
is not visual. It's coming for these
other things. So the dreaming circuitry
which is very ancient is just blasting
activity into that area of the occipital
lobe and so they experience whatever
that correlates with.
>> So cool. Um I want to move on to uh
questions that I have about science and
the law. But before I do, I just um I
was told by a a very very talented m um
magician uh mentalist recently that
there's a guy down in Brazil who does um
magic tricks for blind people using only
the auditory domain.
>> And um apparently if you blindfold
yourself and you spend a bit of time
around him, you can start to uh hear
these magic tricks. And they're not just
illusions of of like sound leaping. Uh
and so I said, "Well, give me an
example." He said, "You have to just
experience this. This is something we
should we should meet this person. We
should meet this person." Um just a
complete perceptual bend to try and get
one's head around that. By the way,
counselors who are at these who who deal
with these uh blind students at these
blind schools, they're generally
encouraged to blindfold themselves for
like seven days and they absolutely
start having totally different
experiences. Their brain starts, you
know, changing.
>> I still won't do one of those darkness
cave retreats. People have tried to
persuade me to do those. I have no
interest. Um I love sunlight. I want to
keep my circadian rhythm entrainment
intact. I I uh you know if that's what
people want to do. Also I heard about
someone going to do it and then they
flipped on the lights at the end. They
went back into seed and the place was
covered with spiders. So clean the place
up. Um science and the law. Earlier we
were talking about how under stressful
circumstances frame rate of perception
is not increased but memory density is
higher.
>> Yes. Can I therefore take the leap that
let's just let's just say um and these
are usually tragic circumstances. If
there are two individuals, it's limited
to two for sake of example in a high
stress, highly traumatic interaction,
but one is more stressed than the other.
maybe they're the victim in that case
that their density of memory is higher
and therefore even though there's a
perceptual difference um perhaps more
accurate than uh for the person who was
calmer or is there a threshold at which
stress limits memory and therefore the
person who is calmer has a more accurate
memory?
>> Great question. Well, it turns out first
of all what victims often have is what's
called weapon focus. So if the other
person has a knife or a gun, that's all
they remember. They, you know, describe
the guy's face. I don't remember the
guy's face because I was staring at the
gun. So it turns out that what they pay
attention to is sort of the wrong thing
for forensics purposes. Um, that's
number one. But number two is this much
deeper issue that even amygdala memories
are not necessarily accurate. So um you
know our colleague Elizabeth Phelps um
did this experiment right after 911 in
2001 shortly after the event happened.
She went and interviewed lots of people
in downtown and Midtown New York about
what they saw on September 11th and she
was smart enough to interview them also
about what they remembered from
September 10th. You know what they ate
for breakfast the day and so on. Okay.
She then found them three months later.
She followed up a year later. She ended
up doing that 10 years later as well.
What they found is that the traumatic
memories of 9/11, even though those are
amigdula memories, they drifted just as
much as the memories of, you know, what
they ate for lunch on September 10th.
Um, and so an unfortunate fact for the
law is that memories are not accurate.
They drift. Every time we check in on
memories, we're changing them. And it
becomes kind of like the operator game
where one person says something next in
the other person's ear and the next
person repeats that next person repeats
that. There's a sense in which we're
always playing the operator game with
ourselves. You know, each time we pull
up a memory, it's changing and it gets
modified and colored by new information
that we have. So that's the bad news for
the legal system. And so the legal
system has gotten really smart about
this over the last 30 years and tried to
make sure that they take care of things
that happen, let's say, with eyewitness
identification. So one thing is, you
know, police suggestability. So if I if
I'm looking at a lineup and I say, gosh,
you know, I think that's the guy, and
the police officer says, yeah, I think
that's the guy, you know, I agree with
you on that. Then what happens is when I
go to court three months later, I I say
to the judge, "Yeah, I'm 100%
confident." Even though at the time of
the lineup, I wasn't confident at all,
but I come to think I am. There are many
many ways uh that things get implemented
so that we can try to work around uh how
lousy our memories are. One thing is
separating witnesses right away because
if you and I witness a crime and then
you say, "Oh my god, you know, I think
the guy had long hair." and I say, "No,
no, I think it was uh short hair or
whatever." We're influencing each
other's memory. And things that we say
end up changing what the other believes
to be true. One of the classes I teach
is uh the brain and the law. And I do
this thing every year. I sort of hate to
give this away on a podcast, but here
here's what I do. I'm teaching the class
and a woman busts into the back of the
classroom, starts screaming at me, says,
"Are you Dr. Eagleman?" I say, "Yeah." I
say, "Excuse me, I'm teaching a class."
She says, "I've been sending you emails
and you haven't written back and blah
blah." I say, "Excuse me. I am teaching
a class. I'm happy to talk to you
afterwards. I'm sorry I don't get to all
my emails." And she says, "Well, I'm
going to wait for you." Okay. So, then I
keep teaching the class. And then after,
you know, 20 minutes or so, I say to the
class, "Look, I'm going to call
security, but I don't know what she
looked like. I need you guys to write
down what you remember about her." I
said, "All I remember is that she had a
big mole on her left cheek, and uh, you
know, that's all I was able to really
see." And so everyone writes down their
stuff. Now, not surprisingly, eyewitness
identification is terrible. Everyone
comes up with extraordinarily different
descriptions of what the woman looked
like. One thing they tend to have in
common is this mole on left cheek, which
I made up. The woman doesn't have that,
but it's a demonstration that um
planting something even accidentally, in
my case, on purpose, will influence your
memory of what you think happened.
Obviously, it's a it's an actor that I
hire every year, but it demonstrates how
how poorly we remember things.
>> How does the legal system deal with re
forget eyewitness account just uh of uh
potential perpetrators, but just like
recollection in general?
>> Yeah. Yeah. Well, this spent all the way
up to the Supreme Court because some guy
some guy was accused from a, you know,
he got sent to jail based on the
eyewitness testimony of a woman who was
up on the second floor seeing him from
there and it was dark out and he said,
"Look, that can't be reliable eyewitness
testimony." So this went to the Supreme
Court and they said, "Look, sorry, but
we can't guarantee uh reliable
eyewitness testimony and if we were to
ever try to legislate that, that would
ruin most court cases because most
things are predicated on eyewitness
testimony. So what the legal system
tries to do is just educate jurors about
this, about how seriously to take it
because um and by the way, I should
mention
unfortunately people are very swayed by
this. jurors are meaning you know a
scientist might get up and say look
there's this information or that but
then some some I would assess you know I
witness comes up on the stand and says
look I don't know about all that science
stuff but I know what I saw and the jury
is swayed by that um so it's not easy to
educate jurors on this because people
fundamentally even after education feel
like okay but I know that my memory is
like a video camera um so anyway but
that's that's one thing that the legal
system tries to do and tries not to take
it as as gospel.
>> Are kids versus adults more prone to
making up stories under these
circumstances? Exactly. I I think that I
like most per I'm not going to speak for
most people. I assume that kids tell the
truth. I mean, kids don't always tell
the truth, but that they don't
understand all the incentives systems
around lying that some adults do. And
so, I think we tend to believe what kids
say. Oh, but kids are actually more
susceptible to memory manipulation. So,
Elizabeth Loftess at Irvine ran these
studies years ago where um she uh well,
here's sorry, this is slightly
different, but what she's doing in these
cases is she says to someone, "Hey, I
talked to your parents." She she
actually did talk to the person and she
says, "I found out a story from when you
were younger about the time you got lost
in the mall and you were uh found by
this woman in a red hat who then, you
know, found your parents and so on." And
it turns out she can make these stories
completely up and people will come to
believe these. And when she interviews
them a week later, they that is just
part of the fact of their life resume is
that they were lost in the mall and
found this woman in the red hat and so
on.
>> I mean, that has huge implications for
therapy to unear, you know, repressed
memories and um so-called repressed
memories. Exactly. Maybe we need dogs to
just uh you know who are completely
unbiased to uh evaluate um the uh
veracity of some of these claims.
>> Well, here's what I think. Look, you and
I grew up in a slightly different world
where if I count the number of childhood
photos that I have that I see, you know,
I've got like little landmarks every
couple of years. Oh, that was me at 8
years old standing in front of my house
in Albuquerque and that was me at 10
years old and so on. But now, you know,
we have an Alexa in our kitchen and it's
constantly cycling through the pictures
of my kids who see that every day. They
say, "Oh, that was me a few years ago.
That was me last month." And so on. I
think kids are now much more tightly
tied to their memory in a way that might
prove very useful. Unuseful in the sense
that maybe you can't get away from your
childhood, but useful in the sense that
at least your memor is going to be
slightly more accurate because you're
getting, you know, uh, repetition.
You're getting space repetition on it. a
previous guest hypothesized, I don't
think this was based on real data,
hypothesized that, you know, like if you
go to a concert now, everyone's taking
photos of the concert. Yeah. Um, as
opposed to just experiencing the
concert, they hypothesized that, uh,
perhaps people have more memory of the
photo taking experience and the photo
than the actual experience, which is a
kind of an interesting divergence like
of of like the perceptual window that
you're taking in information through.
I'm not telling people not to take
photos, but it is or videos, but it is
sort of interesting that you're at a
concert that, you know, thousands of
people are at. Um, and everyone's taping
it and projecting them. Maybe it's
because people want to project
themselves into the the concert for
their friends and followers to see.
>> I suspect it's a social issue. Yeah.
Everyone wants to prove that they were
there. You know, I went and saw the Mona
Lisa at the Louv recently and every
person there was just taking a picture
of it instead of standing there looking
at the damn Mona Lisa. But here's my
suspicion is that they might have a
slightly less present experience at the
moment, but maybe it also lasts longer
in the sense that every once in a while
they're they they see that picture of
themselves at the concert and they
remember it. So maybe the area under the
curve is the same.
>> We live in a um polarized uh world right
now. Uh I think it was always polarized,
but it seems increasingly so. Um is it
more polarized? and you've done some
interesting work on um the neuroscience
around polarization and uh I think it's
just important for us to be aware of the
fact that we're all prone to this.
>> Yeah.
>> And perhaps also I would hope to also
push back on it.
>> I also feel like people like to be in
the echo chamber that there might be
some uh dopamine reward or other neurom
modulator reward for kind of verifying
what we think to be true. I also think
this is a social thing. I think you
can't even talk about beliefs that we
hold without talking about what that
means for our identity and for what team
we're on.
>> Okay, so let me back up. I think we're
not any more polarized than ever before.
Just as an example, look at the 20th
century. You've got, you know, if you
look really what happened with Nazism in
Europe or in Germany or or fascism in
Italy or what happened in Cambodia with
Paul Potter or in Rwanda or the Chinese
and com the Chinese and Russian
communist revolutions. All these things
were extraordinarily polarized moments
where people took up arms and killed
their neighbors. Um, and that was all
pre-ocial media. So, I don't think that
has much to do with it except that I do
think maybe we're more aware because it
used to be that everyone was in their
echo chambers. also nothing new there
but you know all of your friends and
neighbors and whatever all believed in
whatever and so you didn't realize there
were other people who believed other
things but I think now we're just more
much more exposed to that okay so
polarization nothing really knew about
that but it's very important for us to
understand this so um one of the
experiments we did in my lab was the
following we put people in the brain
scanner fMRI they see six hands on the
screen all the hands look pretty much
alike and The computer goes around doot
and it picks one of the hands and then
you see that hand get stabbed with a
syringe needle. What happens is you have
this empathic response specifically this
uh network of areas that we summarize as
the pain matrix comes online. It's not
your hand getting stabbed. Nonetheless,
you're watching a hand getting stabbed
and you this is the neural basis of
empathy. You're feeling what would it
feel like if that were my hand? Great.
Okay. Now, what we do is we put a
one-word label on each hand. Christian,
Jewish, Muslim, Scientologist, Hindu,
atheist. Computer goes around, picks a
hand, you see that hand get stabbed. And
the question is, does your brain care as
much if it's a member of one of your
outroups versus your in-group? Turns out
the answer, depressingly, is that your
brain cares much less? So, the size of
the empathic response, if it's your
in-group, is enhanced from what it was.
And if it's any one of your outroups,
it's diminished. By the way, this is not
a criticism of religion because we find
exactly the same thing with atheists.
People who profess themselves as
atheists really care when they see the
atheist handstep.
>> Yeah. It's everything about in-groups
and outroups.
>> So, it turns out this is such a
low-level response. Now, happily, this
doesn't necessarily map on to how you
act as a person. This is just your first
response. You care more about your
inroups. Other labs like Tanya Singer
and others have shown very similar
versions of this with even things like
sports teams. In fact, one of the
experiments we did was um we brought
fresh people in and we said, "Hey, I
want you to toss a coin. If it's heads,
you're a Justinian. If it's tails,
you're an Augustinian." So, they toss
the coin. They find out what they are.
We give them a wristband that reminds
them that they're Justinian or
Augustinian. Then, they go in the
scanner and they see Justinian or
Augustinian hands getting stabbed. And
it turns out they have a bigger response
predicated on their team. Completely
arbitrary label that doesn't mean
anything. But this is how we are wired.
very much very strongly for in-groups
and outgroups. Obviously, this is a real
problem for everything we're witnessing
around us. Um,
>> can I ask you a question? Um, I have a a
theory unsubstantiated by any laboratory
data that uh we all naturally feel some
degree of empathy for both inroup or
common group and other group except for
groups that we really despise. Okay. I
think there are some people who don't
provided that the other person isn't
being tortured or killed, they're sort
of like, oh well, dislike them anyway.
But I think we tend to feel um we know
how we feel about someone or a group
when something good happens for them. To
me, it's a much stronger indicator. So,
is the reverse experiment ever been done
where instead of the hand getting
stabbed with a syringe, um the person of
same group or outside group is being
given something that is of of value. Um,
>> that's interesting. I don't know. I I
don't think anyone's run that experiment
to my knowledge
>> because if I tell you like, okay, if I
if I were to have access to your uh your
thoughts and I could find like a hundred
people that you uh like on and arrange
that you know in your mind and arrange
them on the continuum of really really
adore this person all the way to like
actually really I'm not going to use the
word hate, but like really really
dislike this person. And I tell you, you
know, um and give any one of them uh
stage three pancreatic cancer. I imagine
as an empathic person, you're gonna be
like, "Ah, that sucks." But if I instead
flip it and say, "Okay, you know, this
person you really you really like, um,
they had something spectacular happened
to them versus somebody that you
dislike, something spect there's a
there's a there's a little bit of a of a
of a twist on the feeling of happiness
for somebody that you don't like
receiving something that maybe you think
they didn't deserve or and I think we
are all wired this way to some extent."
>> Yeah, that's a really interesting point.
To my knowledge, no one has done that
experiment. And it's in a sense, it's
because this issue of when something bad
happens to someone, we naturally have an
empathic response if it's a stranger.
Look at the issue of, I don't know,
let's say some older gentleman gets, you
know, his nose broken because someone
attacks him at outdoors at a park. You
would feel empathy for that. But now if
I tell you, oh look, he was at a a
Democrat rally or a Republican rally,
depending on your perspective on the
world, you might have differential
empathy uh predicated on on, you know,
how strongly you feel on one team or the
other. Um,
here's the thing. Even with pancreatic
cancer, there's a whole lot of
experiments from my lab and other labs
that shows that sometimes when something
happens to someone that we don't like,
the reward system actually comes on.
This was Tanya Singh had a nature paper
on this um showing that you actually
show reward system activation when
something happens uh which is awful but
um one thing I have always noticed in
the movies is that you're watching the
James Bond movie or whatever and the bad
guy you know falls from a 500 foot
building and splats on the ground and
and you like you know eat your popcorn
you don't care at all that something
awful happened to somebody whereas if
James Bond you know gets grazed by a
bullet if YOU'RE LIKE OH OW poor guy
it's weird how much we can dial this
around where we simply don't care when
bad things happen to other people. I
>> what you're describing provides a very
useful filter for what we see out there
in the media and you know just recently
there was this event that's being
debated very uh intensely from both
sides. Someone was shot, whose fault was
it? What were they were in their rights
to shoot her? etc. I mean it's it's like
it's this immediate polarization around
that you know
>> same collection of videos two totally
different interpretations
>> right because was that woman your
protagonist or your antagonist and just
like in the movies we have a completely
different uh empathic response based on
that
>> in the um sort of hypothetical example
of an experiment where people that are
either same group or different group are
rewarded I feel like it gets to an issue
that's a little bit more subtle than
when people are harmed. Um because it
gets to this zero this notion of zero
sum like if somebody else gets something
does that mean anything was taken from
you? Not necessarily, right? But there
are some people who go through life
seeing people get things and they feel
the pain of what they didn't get by
virtue of someone else getting
something. And um it's got to be a very
difficult place to live. And yet I've
known people like that. Um they they you
know there are people who hate rich
people.
>> Yeah.
>> Um if and they hate them for a number of
reasons. maybe they were treated poorly
etc. Um they hate famous people, they
hate beautiful people, they hate you can
see this, right? And what aspect of of
self other in-group outgroup does that
relate to because it gets to this notion
of how much resource there is to go
around something for someone else is
something taken from us is a very
different perspective.
>> Yeah, that's right. I don't know the
answer to that except that people
clearly are wired differently on that in
terms of whether they think it's a zero-
sum game or there's you know infinite
resources.
>> Do we see it in animals?
>> Yes, actually there are experiments on
on capuchin monkeys where um the monkey
does something and then gets a piece of
banana and then uh the other monkey does
something in the neighboring cage and
gets a piece of banana. And so they're
they're doing this but then the other
monkey doing it gets a grape which is a
big treat for the monkey. And the first
monkey goes nuts and is shaking the bar.
he's so angry that the other monkey got
a better reward. Um, we there's this
sense of fairness that's actually quite
deep in our evolution about what's
unfair and so on. But I want to come
back to this issue about rewarding
people versus punishing. To my mind, the
reason I care so much about this issue
of harm happening to people and when we
don't care
>> is because of when we look at what
happens around the world, I'm not even
talking right now. Let's just take the
20th century. Um,
we constantly see people murdering their
neighbors for all kinds of reasons, for
religious reasons, for atheist,
communist, you know, uh, secular
reasons, for all kinds of reasons.
People are perfectly willing to take
their friends and neighbors. Look at the
Hoouu and Tootsie in Rwanda. They had
lived together. They were friends. There
was inner marriage. And then the Hutu,
you know, uh, you know, raised up their
machetes and slaughtered Tootszie at a
rate faster than the Germans were able
to do with gas chambers and Jews. Um,
how these things happen. It's so
important for us to understand what are
the elements that lead to in-roup and
outgroup stuff. One of the things I've
been very interested in is propaganda.
And it turns out across place and time,
all governments do propaganda in exactly
the same way, which is you simply
dehumanize the other group by calling
them an animal or or any like a virus,
you know, a pestilence. Uh rats
nowadays, you can even call them robots,
whatever. Anything that's not human that
turns off these networks that we have in
the prefrontal lobe that care about
other humans and how to interact with
other humans. Our colleague Lana Harris
has studied this stuff. And what happens
is when you're dealing with an object
now like oh the Tootsie the the famous
thing that happened in Rwanda is the
Tootsie were described as cockroaches
and the radio was blaring that all the
time the Tootsie are cockroaches. So you
know killing a cockroach isn't so hard
to do. So you grab your machete and you
go do that. And that's the kind of thing
I am essentially dedicating my life to
this kind of thing is an education
about this such that when the next
generation hears propaganda about any
group, they say, "Wait a minute. I've
heard that trick before. I know what
this is. This is just calling the other
group. Oh, they're not like us. They're
not human." And so I'm dialing down
these networks that care about other
humans. Therefore, I don't care about
them as much. I don't have empathy for
them as much. I'm only to take up arms
against them.
>> Many years ago, um I was at a meeting
and one of our colleagues, I'll let them
remain anonymous for soon to be obvious
reasons, um made stood up and made a
really strong case for not referring to
um the mice. And at that time,
experiments were still done on on cats
and um and non-human primates. I mean,
those are still used, but to a lesser
extent now, but still um to not refer to
them as animal models. um because he
felt that it was de not dehumanizing
them, it was it was um removing the
sense that they were real beings and um
you know uh as someone who has worked on
a number of species including humans um
and and frankly I'm I'll say this
proudly. I'm relieved to not do
experiments on animals anymore. I really
did not like that aspect. I I did like
working with humans we say not on humans
um because they can sign up and uh
consent and that sort of thing. I think
every uh profession has this, you know,
they uh my friends who are
psychologists, you said your dad was a
psychiatrist. I always ask people
psychologists and psych, do you refer to
your uh um the people that you treat as
clients or as patients? like the the
language doesn't always matter so much,
but I think when it comes to animal
experimentation, when it comes to um
people and professional relationships,
it actually does matter because I think
as you pointed out, certain circuits in
the brain get turned off or on depending
on how we refer to people.
>> Yeah. Exactly.
>> Yeah. I know it's I'm starting to sound
a little bit like like this is some like
political statement, but it's not. It's
just like I think that words matter.
They they really do.
>> Yeah. Oh, I totally agree. I think this
political statement does matter because
when the society reaches a point where
some group of people is referred to
essentially as nonhuman,
um that's when things get really
dangerous really fast. The Tootsie as
cockroaches, the Jews as pestilence in
Germany and what you know um all these
things make a difference. And by the
way, you know, in Germany in the rich in
1934,
all the people elected to the rich year
were either far-right Nazi party or
far-left communist party. It was like a
really polarized time. And the part
that's so scary about polarization of
that extreme is that it just takes a
moment for one party to eat the other.
It just it goes really fast. And um
suddenly you know when Hitler took power
when the president von Hindenberg died
Hitler just declared himself the furer
and rounded up all the communists and
put him in jail in concentration camps
right away and um so that's why
polarization if there are things we can
do as a society to work on that to try
to get better models of the other person
to have meaningful debates and listen to
the other side it doesn't mean coming to
agree with them or whatever but it means
saying okay I'm going to assume assume
the other person is speaking genuinely.
What is their reason for holding this
political position also by the way
having a better notion of our own
internal models which is that we are
extraordinarily limited. This is
actually what my next next book is
about. It's called Empire of the
Invisible and it's about why we all
believe our own internal models. We've
all taken very thin trajectories through
space and time and we've collected up
our little scraps of data and we think,
"Oh, I know the truth. I know how to
think about the world and these
political issues." And if I could just
shout in all capital letters on X loudly
enough, everyone would come to agree
with me. Essentially, everyone thinks
this deep down irrespective of what
their political position is. And that's
weird that we can't see the fence lines
of our own internal models. So I think
it's really important that this gets
built all the way down into our
education system at at the high school
level, maybe even junior high, where we
understand the limitations of our own
model. We understand how to try to
understand other people's models. We
understand when it's appropriate to
blind our biases um at you know in the
way that for example symphony orchestras
have been doing this for decades now
where they do a a blind audition of
musician behind a curtain. So you you
can't have the opportunity for
discrimination based on gender or race
or anything else. You're just hearing oh
that was a great obo player and so you
um things like that. Um, and I also
think that there's another technique
that might be super useful here, which
is, and and this is I've been exploring
this a lot lately, what I'm calling the
complexification of relationships.
meaning um
if you have something in common with
someone and and then you find out later
that that person has a very different
opinion than you do on some hot button
political issue, you're more willing to
listen to them because you're already
pals on, you know, you go surfing
together, you whatever, you like the
same sports team or whatever, you're
more willing to listen. Um my example
for this is the Iricquay Native
Americans who were up in sort of
northern Wisconsin area, five tribes,
they all killed each other for years and
years. They had a new leader come in.
This guy uh Dana Gawada who came to be
known as the great peacemaker. What he
did is he said, "Look, you've got these
five tribes. I'm going to assign each
person membership in a in a clan." So,
uh let's say we're in the same tribe,
but you're a member of the Beaver Clan.
I'm a member of the Eagle Clan and so
on. And and these clan memberships are
crosscutting such that now you say,
"Hey, let's go invade that tribe over
the hill." And I say, "Oh, you know, I
don't know. that guy's a member of the
Eagle Clan and so am I. You know, I've
got these crosscutting relationships now
and I'm less likely, I'm less willing to
do that. And this ties back to the
experiments we did that I mentioned with
the handstabbing. What we now do is we
say the year is 2029 and these three
religions have teamed up against these
three religions. And now you see the
different hands get stabbed. But the
ones who I just told you in one sentence
are are your allies now. You care more
about them. just because I arbitrarily
told you that they're your allies. And
so when things get complexified like
this, we suddenly care more about
certain groups and so on. Anyway, I
think this is a really important thing
to do. So I've patented a new social
media algorithm which essentially works
simply by
surfacing what people have in common. So
if you and I are both on this algorithm,
it oh, we've got this in common, that in
common, and and all those things get
surfaced and we come to know each other
and like each other. And only later,
temporally down the line, do we hear,
"Oh, wow. I didn't I didn't realize you
felt so differently about gun control or
abortion or whatever." We learn that
later. And and then we're more willing
to lean in and talk.
>> Fascinating. I I thought for a while
that the solution to polarization was
going to be um it sounds like an
laboratory experiment, but the the
interbreeding across um you know
first genetic but also um and geographic
but also you know racial and cultural
and and ethnic boundaries, right? And
when you have people mixing and having
children that are mixed, you can no
longer assign identity in a way that um
that allows people to continue to uh
hurt and harm one another. Because I do
think that the one thing that runs very
deep in our species is this evolutionary
drive. And there are other sources of
this, of course, but to make more of
ourselves and to protect our young. And
if those young are are uh you know of of
several different races or religions etc
you know then you really don't have any
uh anywhere to go
>> you know in terms of violence and and
and and of course I started thinking
about this in the way that when I grew
up it wasn't that long ago I was born in
75 um but it was 50 years ago that you
saw less in marriage across races you
just did right you it was it happened
but far less frequently than it does now
across religions even across cultures
and um and now things are quite
different but the polarization
continues.
>> Yeah, I I wish I shared that optimism on
that on that front but you know the fact
is in Rwanda Hutu and Tootsie had been
intermaring for a long time. In Germany,
Jews and Christians had been intermaring
there for a long time. But when stuff
hits the fan, none of that matters. And
people will still make dividing lines
and say, "Hey, if you've got some of
this in you, you're on the other side."
>> I wish I had a more optimistic note
there, but
>> No, I think Well, it sounds like that
the projects you're involved in to try
and reduce polarization are are Well,
I'll say certainly they're very
important and and they sound very
promising. Um, look, you're I feel like
we could go another six hours. We have
to have you back. Of course, you have
your own podcast, amazing podcast. Uh so
tell us about just um for folks we'll
put links in the uh show note captions
but um you're write you're writing what
10 books now you got a podcast you're
involved in movie movie movie scripts
but give us the highlights of what are
you up to these days when you're not
teaching three different classes at
Stanford
>> so I'm writing the podcast inner cosmos
which is
>> awesome podcast I listen to it
>> thank you thanks and that's that's a
really wonderful way for me to put out
lots of ideas often I do you know mostly
it's monologue um but I do have guests
as well Um, and I get to just tackle big
philosophical questions about time,
about polarization, about whatever. Um,
I just signed my next two books. One is
the Ulyses contract, and one I mentioned
is called Empire of the Invisible. Um,
and then, yeah, I'm also doing a lot in
the realm of movie production stuff. Um,
we're making a documentary film right
now with the comedian Craig Ferguson
where we're asking the question, can AI
be funny? So, we've built a robot that
Craig is going to go on the road with
and do this comedy with, you know, like
in the middle of the country. And the
reason we're starting there is because
that allows us to ask all these deeper
questions about AI, but in a way that
draws people into the movie because you
can't just make like a doomy gloomy
movie about AI and expect anybody to
watch it. But, but this is sort of a
really fun funny movie that allows us to
really ask what's it going to mean for
our lives.
>> Awesome. And when you're not doing that,
you're fixing doorork knobs and stuff in
your in your home.
>> Yes. and raising a family.
>> Uh David, thanks so much for coming here
today.
>> Great to see you, Andrew.
>> As everyone now sees, and many already
knew coming into this, you're a
worldclass educator and uh storyteller
and most importantly a scientist um who
ran experiments. I think it really helps
to have, you know, no diss on science
communicators that haven't run labs and
things like that, but I think when one
has done experiments, you get a a real
deep sense for how data comes together
and what it does and doesn't mean.
um you're a virtuoso. So, um thanks for
coming here today and and sharing just
so many pearls of wisdom and some
practical takeaways uh that I know
myself and other people are really going
to uh going to work with.
>> Great. Thanks, Andrew. It's a blast
being here.
>> Awesome. Come back. Thank you for
joining me for today's discussion with
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Dr. Andrew Huberman and Dr. David Eagleman discuss various aspects of brain science, beginning with neuroplasticity—the brain's ability to change in response to experience. They explore how the brain constantly reconfigures itself, the flexibility of the cortex, and the impact of early specialization versus diversification on learning. The conversation delves into the role of curiosity and technology in enhancing learning, and practical ways to extend brain plasticity through novelty and social engagement. Dr. Eagleman introduces the concept of "Ulysses Contracts" for managing future behavior and explains the spectrum of internal experiences like visualization. They also cover the brain's remarkable capacity for sensory substitution and enhancement, the illusions of time perception in stressful and novel situations, and the fallibility of memory, especially with implications for the legal system. The discussion concludes with insights into the neuroscience of cultural and political polarization, the phenomenon of dreams as a defense mechanism for the visual cortex, and the brain's adaptive responses to addiction and heartbreak, emphasizing the importance of understanding our own internal models and fostering complex relationships to combat societal division.
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