The Brutal Truth About Ending The Ukraine War - David Sacks
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your thoughts on where we're at with the
Ukraine and if we're going to get a
ceasefire, a peace negotiation or a
peace settlement or if the United States
is just going to walk away because it
seems like Trump is a little perturbed
by the progress here and he has said,
you know, maybe it's just up to them to
figure it out and he'll be done with the
whole thing.
>> Your thoughts, Saxs?
>> Well, I think that the the Alaska summit
was major progress. I think that first
of all, the president deserves enormous
credit for reestablishing diplomacy and
communication with the Russians. There
literally hasn't been a meeting between
the US president and the Russian
president since 2021 while this war is
going on and while the war has continued
to escalate. I guess the Biden
administration's policy was just to
ignore the Russians and roll their dice
and hope that the war didn't escalate
out of control. In any event, I think
Trump deserves a lot of credit for again
reestablishing that diplomatic
connection and trying to use diplomacy
to end the war. And it was shocking to
see how much Democrats and the media
were openly rooting for him to fail in
these efforts to end this war. And
effectively, they're rooting for
hundreds of thousands of more people to
die or get maimed.
>> They were pretty hysterical, right, on
the news. It was pretty crazy.
>> Yeah. And by the way, they they claim
that they care about the Ukrainian
people, but the Ukrainian people by
large majorities now want this war to
end and they're willing to make
meaningful concessions to do it. So
there was a poll by Gallup, which Nick,
maybe you can throw this on the screen
where a year or two ago something like
70% of Ukrainians wanted to keep
fighting the war. Now that number is
down to 24%. Again, the vast majority
are looking to achieve a peace. And I
think that President Trump and President
Putin made some important progress in
terms of getting to an eventual peace
deal. And I think there are a few planks
here. Number one was the recognition
that we should try to get to a
comprehensive peace deal, not a
ceasefire. A ceasefire is temporary. And
the Russians have already said they
wouldn't do it because they understand
from their point of view that this would
just give the Ukrainians time to regroup
and rearm and try to reset, but it
wouldn't end the war. And the truth of
the matter is that when you're fighting
a war and losing, you don't get to call
a timeout. So the Russians have been
rejecting this idea of a ceasefire for
months. And I think that it was wise, if
our ultimate goal is to get to a deal,
to recognize that the comprehensive
peace deal is what we want to get to. So
that's point number one. Point number
two is that President Trump acknowledged
that Ukraine would not be joining NATO,
which was the key source of the friction
and the thing that ultimately led to
this war. So I think that definitively
taking NATO off the table I think was a
very important precondition to getting
to an eventual peace. And then I think
the third thing was that the parties
both the Russians and the Americans
agreed that there would have to be
territorial concessions of some kind.
And we don't know all the details yet.
There was some conversation about land
swaps. But the point of the matter is
that we're not going back to the pre-war
status quo ante. The Russians have taken
the big chunk of territory. The
Ukrainians have not been able to get it
back. People are trying to blame Trump
for this somehow. But the real cause of
this is the failure of the counter
offensive in the summer of 2023.
Remember, we gave the Ukrainians
something like hundred billion dollars
worth of weapons to retake that
territory. And it was an abysmal
failure. They didn't even make it past
the first Survivican line. That is a
real cause of why the Ukrainians are
going to lose territory in this war is
they're simply not able to retake it.
And I think there was a a general
recognition coming out of that Alaska
summit that there would have to be
territorial concessions. And I think in
these three pillars, I think you have
the basis for a comprehensive peace
deal, which is again, number one, we're
going for a peace deal, not a ceasefire.
Number two, no NATO. And number three,
we have to recognize the realities on
the ground. Now, I think the big
question mark, I think we could get to a
peace deal pretty quickly if Zalinski
and the Europeans were willing to
acknowledge these three points, but so
far they have not been willing to
acknowledge those three points. And I
think this is one of the things that if
you're listening to the remarks the
following Monday when the Europeans came
to the White House, there was no
recognition. They were still clamoring
for a ceasefire, you know, again, which
the Russians had rejected as opposed to
a comprehensive peace. They were still
clamoring for NATO and they were still
rejecting the idea of any territorial
concessions including even Crimea which
was lost over a decade ago. So I think
that the issue we have right now is that
Zalinski
and the Ukrainian government, not the
people, but the Ukrainian elite and some
of these European countries that are
backing him are not willing to make the
compromises necessary to achieve a peace
deal. And as President Trump has said,
at the end of the day, you need the
Russians and the Ukrainians to agree. So
I think that President Trump deserves
enormous credit here for reestablishing
diplomacy, for making substantial
progress towards a comprehensive peace
deal. But at the end of the day, unless
Zinsky starts being willing to make
compromises, I don't know how you're
going to get to that deal.
>> Yeah. Freeberg, Dave, any thoughts on
this?
>> No.
>> Negotiation? Shimoth, anything? Well, I
was pretty curious about the
historical pattern of this. So, I just
went back and here's what I learned.
What's interesting to note is that since
1945,
so not assuming, you know, conflicts in
Africa because they are not really quite
part of the western political global
order per se, it's important to ask the
question like how have other
territorial disputes panned out? So
there are disputes that end in
stalemates and when you end up in a
stalemate you basically arrange a DMZ
demilitarized zone type arrangement. So
there's one in Korea right 1953 to now.
There's one in Cyprus 1974 to right now
and there's one in Kashmir 1947 to
today. And then there's this kind of
thing in between Israel and Lebanon. And
then second, there are disputes where
there's some action taken by one country
to take something by force, but then
there's no consensus
internationally
as to who owns a territory. So Crimea,
as Saxs mentioned, 2014 to present, and
then Israel and West uh East Jerusalem,
sorry.
So I think the point is that unless
President Trump figures out a way to do
something that's frankly truly
unprecedented, the historical pattern is
that it's been nearly impossible for
even the most powerful and influential
person in the world to frankly draw
deals
in these kinds of situations, especially
when they become protracted. And I think
that's what he's getting to when he
reinforces these things never would have
started or gotten this far had I been
president. You know, that's what he says
in quotes. And I think this is what he's
referring to, which is that the longer
these things get drawn out and
particularly with Russia, Ukraine, and
Israel, Gaza, you're talking about
conflicts and historical
issues that have been simmering for
hundreds of years and in some cases
thousands of years all the way back to
the antiquity. So, I don't know. I I
just think that it's an incredibly
incredibly difficult position and
I just don't know what's going to
happen. But I think that for modern
progress to happen, I think it's
important for both of these two issues
to get put to bed as quickly as
possible.
>> Jake, what do you think? And we saw the
media attacking Trump for even daring to
hold negotiations with the Russians. Do
you think this was a good idea or do you
think that somehow uh Trump was caving
to Putin?
>> I give Trump a lot of credit. He is
incredibly good at foreign policy and
specifically with dictators. If you look
at our past presidents, they didn't want
to meet with Putin. They didn't want to
meet with Kim Jong-un, Kim Jong-il. They
thought isolation was the best policy.
It's not. I think talking to these folks
and trying to find common ground is the
best policy. Even if it's a 5% chance of
it actually working out, which is what I
think any president dealing with a
dictator and a death spot like,
you know, Putin is going to have. I
think you have a 5 or 10% chance. And I
think Trump and Biden actually had a lot
in common that worked. the lone leasing
of the weapons and not costing the
American taxpayer any money where a lot
of partisan people said, "Oh my god,
this is costing the Americans so much."
It's actually Trump has figured out a
way to make it profitable. He's selling
more weapons to Ukraine and he got us
the minimal rights. It turns out Trump
was able to turn a cost center or a
supposed cost center into a profit
center in terms of this specific war.
And if you look at the sanctions, Trump
has increased the sanctions. So Trump
had my exact position that I fought for
here on this podcast for the past couple
of years in this conflict, which was
keep the pressure up on Putin. And Trump
took it over the top by going to Putin's
main client for his oil now, which is
India, and putting a massive tariff on
them and threatening them with a huge
tariff. That was a bold, audacious way
to deal with Putin. So, I give Trump a
ton of credit for trying to make peace
here. And Putin has been, Hold on, let
me just finish. And Putin has been
absolutely humiliated. He can't even get
to Keev, let alone take over Finland or
Poland. And this has cost Russia, their
greatest customer, which is the EU,
Germany. These people are never going to
buy his oil again. Not after what
happened here. And that you can give a
lot of credit to Trump because he told
them when they built their oil pipelines
that the Germans were lunatics for doing
that and for creating a massive
revenue stream for a dictator who is in
my mind a war criminal. What he did in
invading Ukraine makes him a war
criminal. What he did in kidnapping
these children makes him a war criminal.
I think it's awesome that Trump is doing
this intervention even if it has a 5 or
10% chance of working and then making
the NATO alliance pay their fair share
and selling them more weapons. I think
also brilliant. So I I give Trump a lot
of credit here. He's aligned exactly
what I said we should be doing, which is
holding dictators who invade other
countries accountable for it. And he's
added to it the fact that he can connect
with people. So I give him a ton of
credit for it, Zach. I know that's maybe
not the answer you want, but that's how
I
>> look. I think you use this highly
moralistic language and you engage in a
lot of name calling and I actually think
that's kind of
>> which one which name is inaccurate,
please. Dictator or war criminal?
>> Well, look, you're complimenting Trump
for engaging in diplomacy with Putin,
but then at the same time, you want to
call him a dictator and war criminal,
and that's not going to be conducive to
actually trying to reach a peace
agreement. Now, it's fine.
>> But I'm not doing the negotiation. If I
was doing the negotiation, I wouldn't
come in and say, "Hey, dictator, war
criminal, let's fight for peace." I'm
giving you my personal belief as a
person not negotiating.
>> So you're praising and you're praising
Trump for increasing the pressure and
leverage that he has
>> with the Russians, which I think is
fine. My question for you is would you
increase the pressure or leverage with
respect to Zalinski? So for example,
would you tell Zalinski in no uncertain
terms, listen, stop demanding to be part
of NATO because it's not happening? In
fact, the president has done that. Uh
what about um
>> yeah, the the answer to that question is
yes. I would say listen, it's not
realistic to join NATO. You can get some
security guarantees.
There's sort of talk of this NATO light.
So, I would agree with that. I would say
listen, we're going to take and I said
this on a previous episode. We should
just take off NATO inclusion for like 20
years.
>> Okay. So, here's the what about
territorial concessions?
>> I think that's a decision Ukraine has to
make. We should encourage them to make
whatever decision is best for them. But
if they want to keep fighting this
thing, that's going to be up to their
people to decide if they want to fight
for their land.
>> Well, the people have said they don't
want to keep the the problem you have
right now is that 70% of Ukrainians say
they don't want to keep fighting.
They're ready.
>> Sounds like they're ready to make
concessions.
>> Yes. So, it sounds like Zilinsky should
listen to his people. Yes,
>> that's his decision to make. I think he
has sovereignty and the people get to
make that decision in his country.
>> Well, but the the problem you have is
it's not just Zilinsky, right? It's his
ruling click.
They have canceled elections and they
will remain in power as long as the war
continues. So they there's a conflict of
interest there and there's a lot of
money flowing into Ukraine because of
the war. So what if the ruling elite
wants to keep the war going forever
while the people want it to stop?
>> Yeah. They're going to face a revolution
right quick. And so I think they have to
take the
citizens of Ukraine into account. And
it's a tough decision for them to make,
but it's not our decision to make for
them. Is that a reasonable position? It
sounds like a reasonable position.
>> I think it's reasonable.
>> Yeah. I mean, I don't I
>> look, at the end of the day, the
Ukrainians and the Russians have to
agree.
>> Yes.
>> And I I think that of of the major
parties, I think President Trump cares
the most about peace. I mean, I think he
is pushing the hardest for there to be a
peace
Ask follow-up questions or revisit key timestamps.
The discussion focuses on the ongoing conflict between Ukraine and Russia, with a primary emphasis on the role of President Trump in re-establishing diplomatic channels and pursuing a comprehensive peace deal. The panelists discuss the potential for a settlement, the necessity of acknowledging reality on the ground—including territorial concessions and NATO's future role—and the tension between Ukrainian public sentiment, which appears to favor ending the war, and the position of the Ukrainian political leadership.
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