Senator Rand Paul: Tariffs, Debt, China, and a Warning for America
2078 segments
We live on a house of cards because, and
most people don't know this, and I don't
want to scare your audience, the scare
your audience if I tell too much.
>> Go ahead.
>> I voted to raise the age of social
security, but it's not going to be
around unless you raise the age to 70.
That's the only way that sticks around.
>> Do we really need American primacy?
>> He said, when you go back to Washington,
make sure they know that wars with China
is not inevitable. But I think it's
overstated how great AI is going to be.
the left, you know, has this uh modern
monetary theory and it and it sounds
ridiculous and it is except that it kind
of worked for 10 or 15 years.
>> If 40 to 50% of Americans are employed
directly or indirectly by a federal,
state, or local government or government
contractor or earn their income from a
government check, can we actually reduce
spending?
>> Here's the bottom line. I I voted
against the big beautiful bill because
of the debt ceiling, but also here's the
projections. What was at the heart of
the cover up?
>> There's never been a more extraordinary
cover up in the sense that these people
were saying in public the opposite of
what they were saying in private.
[Music]
>> All right, besties. I think that was
another epic discussion. People love the
interviews. I could hear him talk for
hours. Absolutely. We crushed your
questions in a minute. We are giving
people ground truth data to underwrite
your own opinion. What do you guys
think? That was fun. That was great.
going.
>> Senator, thanks for being here. Thanks
for having me in your office for the
conversation today. I'm I'm really
excited for this.
>> You grew up in Texas with a well-known
father, 12-term congressman, three-time
presidential candidate Ron Paul.
However, you became a doctor after
residency at Duke Medical. And I'd love
to hear a little bit about how you chose
that path instead of politics at the
beginning of your career.
>> Well, that was sort of following father
also. You know, my dad's a physician,
too. So, I went to medical school. in
fact went to the same medical school as
my dad. Um my dad is an OBGYn. He's
retired now. Uh we have a family of
several doctors. My little sister's an
OBGYn. My brother's a family doctor. I
got two nieces, three nieces that are
doctors. So, a lot of doctors. But as a
kid, uh you know, I have distinct
memories of laying on the shag carpet
because we have had shag carpet in the
70s and listening to him in uh I don't
know, Missoula, Montana on the radio.
I'd hear the one end of him answering
questions. Uh I went to lots and lots of
his speeches. I was interested in the
books he recommended other people to
read and I read many of those. Uh he
gave me a full set of Einran's novels
when I was 15 and said there's a lot of
good stuff in here but you know there's
some of the stuff we don't agree with
either. So, and uh but to be
open-minded, to take the good, the good
with the bad and uh to be able to filter
through, but that there was something
there about individualism and I still
believe that to this day, that there is
something uh you know, all the critics
hate Iron Rand. It's oh, she's, you
know, she's so simplistic, this and
that, but there is something that
connected with the American spirit, the
spirit of ingenuity, the spirit of uh
being heroes. You know, it's the idea
that, you know, uh, you know, it's I
think why people were fascinated with
Elon Musk and capturing those rockets
from space that it's like, wow, we can
have somebody who really does cool
things once again in our country.
>> Yeah. Einran's writing seemed to be
coming more preient than I think we
realized early on.
>> I think that's why the people thought it
was simplistic because the characters
were character types. Nobody believed
they could ever exist that there'd be be
there would be middle management. There
would be the Ellsworth Tui or the Peter
Keading in the middle of these
corporations and nobody believed that
their whole purpose would be mediocrity,
right? And they purposely would try to
choose people based on the color of
their skin or their ethnicity over their
merit. Nobody believed that could ever
happen. That was such a a dystopian sort
of Harrison Burggeron. That was all
farce. That was dystopian farce until
now. You're right. It looks a lot like
reality.
>> Here we are. Why did you make the career
shift into politics after being a doctor
for some time?
>> I practiced private practice for about
20 years. Was a physician for 20 25
years. In your life, it's a lot of work.
You go through an internship, medical
school, residency. I was about 30 when I
finished. And so
when my dad ran in 2008, really the
campaigns are a year in advance. So when
he ran in 2007 into 2008 for the
Republican nomination, I thought I'd go
and help. I sort of volunteered and
said, "Dad, I'll give some speeches."
And went out and gave a lot of speeches
on my own. Not really introductory
speeches, but actually my own thing and
kind of felt, wow, this is great to be
able to sort of express yourself and
have an opinion. I always had an
opinion, but now I could find somebody
to listen. And so I did that in 2008,
got the bug, and then some of being in
the right place at the right time. Jim
Bunning had been in the Senate two
terms. Uh he was a Hall of Fame pitcher,
but he wasn't raising any money. it
looked like he might not run. And so one
day I'm at the office and this guy I
knew from a property rights group, you
know, too many, you know, lower property
taxes kind of stuff, keep the government
off our land kind of stuff. He called me
up and he says, "Hey, I know this
reporter, this AP reporter, and we think
he leans kind of conservative and he's
from the Republican area of the state.
Why don't you just call him up and tell
him you're interested?" So I hadn't even
talked to my wife about it or anything.
I said, "What the hell?" So I called him
up and said, "Yeah, I'm thinking about
running." And uh I got a statewide
story. Then I got a national story. I
was like, "Wow, this is not that hard."
And so then I had a sort of a come to
Jesus moment. I had to talk to my wife
about this. And uh she wasn't very happy
that, you know, we'd been married 20some
years that I hadn't bothered to mention
it to her. I said, "Look, there's no way
I can get elected. I'm just going to be
honest. I'm going to tell them we're out
of money. I'm not going to offer him
something for nothing." I said, "I'm
never bringing home any bacon. We don't
have any bacon. nobody will ever vote
for that and uh she gradually got over
it. Now she's my biggest champion. We've
written a couple books together and we
you know we work together well but um
someone was being the right place at the
right time maybe having something to
say. The Tea Party movement which I
think my dad is responsible at least
partly for getting started that mo
movement was burgeoning in 2010. The big
radio talk hosts were Limbbo and Hannity
and Hannity still big on the radio.
These hosts were out there hosting
rallies. They were talking about the
Constitution and the debt and it was an
exciting time. I uh uh I don't know if I
had announced yet. I was thinking about
it. My town's fairly small, 50,000 at
the time and we have an old square built
in the 19th century. I went down to the
square. Somebody was having a tea party
rally. I didn't know what it was. And it
was open mic. I wasn't even invited to
speak really. And I spoke and there were
800 people there. I'd never been to a
political rally in my town, Republican
or otherwise, with 800 people. There was
a real movement. That's why it kind of
makes me sad now that it's a it's a
movement that came and you know
>> did it go
>> came conquered and nothing happened
because uh some of the people left and
some of the people decided that debts
were okay if you had a Republican in
charge and were bad if a Democrat was.
>> That's really interesting because I
wanted to get to your core philosophy
and identity. On Wikipedia it says
libertarian constitutional conservative
tea party movement Republican. How do
you describe yourself, your identity?
Senator,
>> all of those things are are true to a
certain extent. Um, I like to say that
I'm I'm part of the Leave Me Alone
coalition. And then sometimes I'll say,
you know, really I'm part of the Leave
Me the Hell alone coalition. And that
means in all sort of aspects, personal,
private, my contracts, my business, what
I do, my family, just leave just leave
me alone. And that encompasses a bigger
group than just conservatives, a bigger
group than just libertarians. Um, and I
would say there there was a long time
ago there was a guy named uh Frank
Meyers. And Frank Myers they called a
fusionist. He was a guy who was going to
be somewhere in between uh Buckley and
um Murray Rothmar. Murray Rothbart is
not as well known but he was a student
of Von Mises and he was a libertarian
writer and Buckley everybody knows who
Buckley is. And that became the more
traditional conservative movement. And
the libertarians sort of said, "Well, we
like all that capitalism, everything,
but we're worried if so much money goes
into the military that maybe the
military will become the state also."
And they were really against the state
in all facets. We want a small state.
We're for defending the country, don't
get us wrong, but and so, but somewhere
in between those two, some of the
libertarians would have no military,
some of them would have open borders,
and then there was the conservatives
that somewhere in the middle was a
fusion. and Frank Meyers uh was a part
of that. Was one of the cool things when
I first come up here, they invited me to
the Frank Meyers Society, like eight
guys that were like 80 and 90 years old.
It was such a great dinner club. Uh but
anyway,
>> does that make it hard to operate in DC
to to be fusion? Because the the the the
kind of mechanism the operating model in
DC seems to be policy by party.
>> Uh you have to be a member of a party
and then leadership sets the agenda and
everyone falls in line.
Yeah. And I think that's really
disappointing about it. And I think a
lot of the public doesn't necessarily
like that and that's why a lot of the
public says they don't like either
party. Um I'm of the the belief that
like right now there's a great danger in
our country to losing a movement that
represents the free market, trade and
capitalism and all of those things
because I think we're moving towards a
movement that backs a person. And I I
feel the wrath all the time. I don't
back Donald Trump enough and so I'm to
be, you know, uh, I get along with
Donald Trump actually on a personal
level better than some of his supporters
who've gone crazy and they don't seem to
remember. I've supported a lot of
supported his nominees. I voted against
his impeachments. I was one of the
loudest voices against them and yet they
can't stand if I oppose him on one
thing. That's not good. And also there
is something trade is not an incidental
issue. The trade is sort of a
fundamental aspect of capitalism and
Adam Smith wrote about it. In fact, one
of Adam Smith's u sort of great nuggets
that he gave to the world was the idea
that the division of labor makes us
richer. So if you don't have to sit
around making your shoes, your clothes
or your tie, you can do something out,
you have time to think and your
innovation is going to create more more
great things. But he also said that the
division of labor and the prosperity
that it creates is only limited by its
ex how far it extends. And I think what
he meant by that is by trade. So we, you
know, I I'm richer in my town because I
don't make my shoes. Maybe somebody else
in the town makes them. Then I'm even
richer when somebody in another state
makes them. But guess what? I got even
richer when they were made in Vietnam.
We all did. And that is being now uh the
fallacy is being promoted that trade is
bad, which really essentially means
capitalism is bad. Then we got people
promoting that we should own the
companies and the government should be
involved with ownership of the
companies. All that stuff. It worries me
that people are going to forget what we
once were for and what really is
important to be for, what made America
great, and that is capitalism. Some
would argue that this idea of what they
call the globalist agenda, which is to
outsource our jobs versus reducing our
cost and increasing availability of
goods and services that we can benefit
from, has hollowed out America and has
caused a great economic depression for
many Americans and they can't seem to
find their way out of it unless we
create a more protectionist trade
environment.
>> There's a lot to dislike about globalism
and what that represents. And to many
people and to many even libertarians, if
it means a big huge treaty organizations
that have labor rules and environmental
rules and all these anti- capitalist
rules in them, that's not really free
trade or free market. But I will say
that there is a fallacy and it's
repeated adnauseium and it just is
absolutely tr untrue and the facts will
bear this out. Uh most people for the
protectionism say the middle class is
being hollowed out and we're being
ripped off. They're both absolutely and
unequivocally untrue. So if you look at
household income, and there's a good
website that does this,
humanprogress.org
will look at this. Steve Lindsey at KO
is great on this. Look at household
income for the last 70 or 80 years. And
you look at what percentage is middle
class, what are lower class, and what is
upper class. The middle class 50 years
ago, about 54% of the people in the
middle class, and now it's 51.
Everybody's like, "Aha, the middle class
is shrinking." Well, the lower class was
like 37%. It's now 33%. It's like, where
did they go? They're being hollowed out.
Yes, they're becoming rich. They're in
the they're in the upper class. The
upper class has grown. It's the one
segment and you have to constant dollars
and call the upper class above $100,000
and the middle class 50 to 100. But
really, there's been a grace increase in
wealth. If you look further at things
like clothing, you can buy, you know,
people, oh, hey, we lost the textile
industry. Well, I think that's sad in a
way, but you can get 10 times as many
clothes as a person in 1900 could. We
live twice as long. We uh by historical
standards, one of the best charts is u
prosperity per unit of GDP or something.
And you look at it and people have
called it, I think Jonathan height
called it the greatest, you know, graph
in the history of the world.
>> Steven Pikner highlights this well.
>> Same thing. Pikner does he's he's Pinker
does it as well and he's great. His book
Enlightenment Now is an amazing book.
But anyway, this chart is for all of
human history. If this is prosperity and
this is time for all of human history,
we lived on the x- axis. It's just an
amazing chart. In about 1820, when the
division of labor allowed the industrial
revolution and people to think about
doing other stuff, you just had this it
it really is this curve that that just
is extraordinary. That's the history,
but nobody wants to hear this like, oh,
we're being hollowed out and trade's
bad. But then the second fallacy is
we're being ripped off on trade. And
this one, I think, is pretty easy to
debunk. A million people go to Walmart
last week, next week, and they all buy
TVs. At the end of the year, you say,
"They all bought Chinese TVs."
Let's put a circle around all of these
trades and the country they came for.
The Chinese didn't buy crap from us. We
bought all these TVs. But a million
people went in and made a voluntary
trade where when they left their 600
bucks, they wanted less than the TV. And
Walmart wanted their $600. Every
volunteer voluntary trade ever made it
in humanity, every second of the day is
all mutually beneficial or it doesn't
occur. It's not even an equal trade.
It's mutually beneficial. We both think
we got it. So, how can a million people
all think they got a great deal and make
a trade and then I draw a circle around
them and have this false accounting that
says, "Oh, we all got ripped off by
China." It's just not true.
>> So, what is the origin of the fallacy?
Is it a political tactic
>> to drive votes?
>> It's it's pride. And that's why I have
such difficulty counteracting this. Now
what amazes me is though for 100 years
economist right left and center all
decided that trade was making everybody
wealthy. It's more visible if you look
at the trade of the people who are poor.
So the poor people got astronomically
they got uh their their their multiple
is much bigger because they were much
poor to start with. But if you look at
China and us from 1975 on we both got
richer. But China was so poor that their
richness is more available. They didn't
rip us off. You know, this isn't Love of
China. I wrote a book called The Case
Against Socialism. I hate socialism. I
hate communism. I I wish the people
there didn't have to live under that
that authoritarianism. But they didn't
rip us off. And it's it's it's it's easy
to sell because nationalism is easy to
sell. Patriotism is easy to sell. We
hate the other country. We're good.
They're bad. And also anybody down their
luck. And I'm not saying well while the
historical trend is great for for the
society middle lower and and upper it's
not great for everybody. So there's
always pe being people aren't doing
well. Those people are attracted by
nationalism and they're protected by
blame somebody don't blame don't blame
myself or don't blame anybody else. It's
somebody else's fault.
>> So walk me through the consequences of
tariffs. Where do they take us? Where do
they take the economy? Where do they
take us from an inflation perspective?
from a job creation perspective
onshoring which has been argued as
another piece like what's your view on
where this is going
>> you know um one of my favorite sort of
people complain I get a lot of
complainers right now about the tariffs
because they love the president and they
don't love my position so much and
really 75 80% of Republicans he's sold
on this issue that tariffs are good but
there's a I guess I'd start at the I'd
start at the macro level so you have uh
seven billion in spending for our
federal government five billion in
revenue so we're $2 billion short
>> two trillion two trillion. It used to it
used to differentiate conservatives and
Republicans and Democrats. We as
Republicans would say, "Yeah, deficits
are bad and let's close it by lowering
spending." Democrats will say, "We'll
just tax the rich people." You know,
rich people don't pay enough in taxes,
which is also untrue. But then we'll do
it that way. And that was how what
differentiated us. But now everybody's
like, "Oh gosh, tariffs are so good.
We're going to balance the budget. We're
bringing in revenue." One, it's a it's
really a pittance. It's a it's a I think
it's about a h 100red billion 150
billion more than last year is what's
going to come in this year and that over
10 years might be $1.52 trillion but
we're going to borrow like $15 trillion
over the next 10 years but the when you
when you look at it and you say uh from
a global point of view is it good to
raise taxes most Republicans always said
we didn't like more taxes we we were
taxed that was part of the Tea Party
acronym is taxed enough already we
didn't want more taxes now everybody
wants more taxes it's inconsistent with
who we are. But it also, the other one I
love is that we're going to do it and
we're going to eliminate the income tax.
And I say, "Come to me with that. I
don't like tariffs very much, but I'll
vote for a 20% tariff." You know, I take
a sale, it's a sales tax. I'll take a
sales tax over an income tax. This is
being presented in addition. So,
everybody needs to forget what they
think they're saying and understand the
tariffs are in addition. But there's
also an argument on the separation of
powers. One of the things our our
founders really struggled with was they
worried about tyranny of one person and
tyranny of the majority. And so the way
our government is structured is to try
to, as Madison said, pit ambition
against ambition. And but I think they
never imagined that we'd have a Congress
without any ambition. We just basically
said, "Oh, did President Trump go ahead
just do what you want." And there's a
problem with that. He's declared an
emergency to raise taxes. I don't pay
the taxes. We pay the taxes,
but you know, there are people analyzed
as a little bit done by the foreigners,
a little bit done by the importer, a
little bit. Yes, but it is a tax. It's a
fee and we collect it here in our
country. It is a tax. The constitution
says taxes originate in the house. And
uh you know, this one just originated
with the president with not even a
confirmation by the House or the Senate.
when we get an AOC as a president, which
I hope never happens, she's going to
declare an emergency and we'll she'll
say no more gasoline powered cars or
lawnmowers or whatever else and they'll
send police to your house. So say I'm
just doing an emergency just like your
president did. So there is the danger
and people need to think about it and
this is where
>> the president
>> the president
>> well this is the problem with only being
tribal and only being for your tribe
when your tribe is in power. You have to
think beyond this. So, for example, when
Biden was in power, there were two dozen
Republicans, and I was one of them, who
had a reform of the emergency power that
said when a president declares an
emergency, it expires in 30 days unless
affirmed. Right now, it's the opposite.
The president's declared an emergency on
tariffs. If we wanted to stop him, we
could vote by simple majority. He would
then veto it, and then it would take
twothirds. So, right now, the way the
law is set up is presidential
emergencies can only be stopped by
twothirds of Congress. Well, I mean,
that's so dramatic it almost never
happens. We'd like to reverse it. But
all those Republicans who supported
reform of the emergency under Biden have
all bailed on me. And so when we
recently had a vote directly on whether
or not there was emergency with Canada,
I was one of four Republicans. And most
of the people who had signed on to
emergency reform all of a sudden didn't
care that there was an emergency under a
Republican president. And none of this
is to say I dislike Donald Trump. I
actually like him very much as a person.
Play golf with him. support probably 80%
of what he's doing. Do I think he's
better than Harris? Oh gosh, just a
million times. I mean, I'm going do
anything to stop socialism and the
redistributionist, but doesn't mean I
should just roll over and no longer have
a thought, you know.
>> Have you tried to align with the
Democrats to try and get this emergency?
>> It's not trying to align with them, but
when they're right, I vote with them. Uh
they had an emergency to overturn the
emergency and I voted with them. It's a
privileged vote and very rarely can
people who object to the majority will
of either party get votes. The only way
you get votes is by using special
procedures. So the emergency vote to
overturn an emergency has a privilege,
meaning that it has to come to the
floor. So I voted with them and there
were four of us, four Republicans that
voted with them.
>> You were also pretty well known recently
for being one of three Republicans to
vote against the big beautiful bill,
>> right?
>> Maybe you can just share the parts of
the bill that you were opposed to.
>> Increase the debt ceiling by 5 trillion.
This is not only extraordinary but
unheard of. No conservative in their
right mind would ever vote for this
under Biden. In fact, when Biden did
propose stuff like this, all the
conservatives voted no. So, we sort of
lose who we are if we don't keep the
same standard under the same presidents
$5 trillion. But a lot of people don't
know this, but up until the last moment,
my vote was still in play because I told
him I don't like a lot about it. It's
also going to add to the debt. And I
think that is true. And I we can go
through that in a minute. But up until
that morning, I met with Vance that
morning. Lisa Marowski was demanding
more stuff for Alaska. I didn't want
anything for me or for my state in a
proial way. I wanted something for the
country was not not add so much debt. So
I said I'll vote to increase it 500
billion. And even that's like sticking a
dagger in my heart. 500 billion used to
be a year or two years. Now that's three
months. And they said they didn't want
it. I had long conversations with the
president. I spoke with him for 59
minutes the week before. I noted I
looked at my phone. my wife standing in
the kitchen and he spoke for 58 minutes
and 45 seconds and he just didn't the
debt ceiling. The Democrats will never
vote for it. I don't want to do it
again. It's inconvenient. You know, I
don't want to talk about the debt
ceiling. But I won't talk about it. I'd
vote on it every three months. Um not
that I want us to default, but because
every three months we need to talk about
how we're out of whack. We need to talk
about why, you know, why are these
credit agencies downgrading the dollar?
what happens if there is a dramatic
flight from the dollar. Um the thing
about economics and I don't claim to
know even a tenth of what smart people
know but things don't always happen
gradually. You know, if you think in
your lifetime or my lifetime of the
different corrections in the market,
they came in one or two days. You know,
2007208 came in like a day or two,
right? Um there was one in the '9s,
there was 1929. I think somebody told me
almost all the losses in the stock
market, if you take like seven days of
the last century, it's like 95% of all
the losses are in like seven days. But
it could be worse. If there's ever a
flight from the dollar and people are
talking about that they have bond sales,
you know, they talk about how many
people show up. There's some kind of
ratio and it usually it's like I don't
know 2.5 to one or something. It was in
the low twos, 2:1 of not many people
showing up. Interest rates are still,
you know, pretty pretty high. But what
I've always fascinated by is people say,
"Well, the interest rates are so high."
But I was always taught historically
that the interest rates are inflation or
expectations of inflation plus the
historic rate, which is about two or
three points. If I take money from you
for 30 years, you're not giving it to me
for less than two or three points. But
you also want inflation, too. So you
want three points for inflation and two.
Well, that's about what interest rates
are. So I don't think anybody knows
whether interest rates are too high or
too low. I think that's a silly
question, but if you looked at it in
historic terms, they're about probably,
you know, the market's judging them to
be expected inflation plus about three
points,
>> right?
>> But just going back to the big beautiful
bill and your vote against it,
>> right?
>> I just want to understand how we got
here or your view on how we got here.
So, you've read a lot of history, a lot
of philosophy. I've interviewed Ray
Dalio twice.
>> I've met him. He's a fascinating guy.
talking about his cycle of empires and
you know we're it his kind of thesis is
we're one of six cycles
>> right
>> over the last 500 years and we're kind
of at the the tipping point here and
there's a a set of trends that are very
common he says
>> you know different characters same act
you know like it happens over and over
again and we take on too much debt when
we the country gets wealthy it grows it
the economy expands
>> we start to get offered free money we
take it we spend it all of a sudden
>> and one of the things you we we had a
dinner bipartisan in dinner with him
recently and one of the things he's
saying is the way to get out of this
what we have to do is we have to get and
his isn't even dra I think draconian we
have to get 3% our debt our annual
deficit needs to be 3% of GDP well it's
6% now so it'd have to be cut in half
and uh I think it's very reasonable and
a lot of people nodding their heads but
it takes a tough vote like I voted to
raise the age of social security and
people say god do you hate old people I
say no I aspire to be an old person I
want my social security and I want the
system to be around for ordinary people,
but it's not going to be around unless
you raise the age to 70. That's the only
way it sticks around.
>> Is it that in order to get reelected,
you have to offer your voters something
that they don't have today. And
therefore, every election cycle, you
have to show up with something else. No
one ever gets elected by saying, "I'm
going to cut back half or cut back a
quarter or 10% of what you're getting
today." You might, but is what is that
the dynamic or is this
>> I'm pretty positive that you don't have
to say, "I'm going to bring on the
bacon. I'm going to bring you your
freedom. I'm going to keep the
government out of your lives and I'm
going to uh allow you to become richer
because freedom and capitalism makes us
all richer and I'm going to allow you
and it's going to be most mostly on
merit which is better than the
government deciding that. So I think you
can say that and I've said it
explicitly. I will never go home with a
check saying we brought you this to your
community because we don't have it and
it has to be borrowed that makes us all
poorer through inflation. It is that
fear though and the president has bought
into this. The president says social
security we can't talk about. Medicare
we can't talk about. And really on
Medicaid he severely limited what could
be talked about. Food stamps. They they
nibbled at it. They talked about some
good things but most of it's in the
distant future. And and here's the
bottom line. I I voted against the big
beautiful bill because of the debt
ceiling. But also here's the
projections. The CBO had a projection
that was going to add three trillion.
All the Republicans said, "Oh, CBO has
too low a grade throat. we can't re we
can't believe the CBO. Well, the authors
of the bill did something I agreed with.
They said, "We're doing it based on
policy and this is what we project that
the taxes will go on and that they
aren't really we're not giving a tax
cut. Most of that is just keeping the
same policy." I said, "I accept that.
So, what are your numbers?" The authors
of the bill, the Republican supporters
of it said, "Well, the first 10 years,
no, the first five years it's going to
lose 500 billion. So, we'll be more 500
billion more in the hole. the second
five years we'll make that up and we'll
go a trillion positive so we'll be plus
500 I believe the first five years I
don't believe the second five years and
this is from the authors admitting and
the reason you know it's going to lose
500 billion is this many tax cuts will
pay for themselves over time but almost
all of them have a little bit of dip in
revenue in the beginning it's not a
reason to be opposed to tax cuts it's a
reason to at least be wary even if you
don't count the tax cuts that we already
had that we continued and you count the
new ones there's going to be a little
dip in revenue and maybe some of these
weren't that growth growth related tips
and things like that may not be that
growth laid to reduce tax on tips. So
that's going to be a dip down. But the
other reason why you know the deficit's
getting better, they they put $500
billion of new spending. So from the
very beginning, this was this was
Lindsey Graham and the
military-industrial complex. They wanted
more money for the military. They
already got an increase in the military
last time. This is 150 billion for the
military and 150 billion for the border,
which I'm for controlling the border. I
applaud the president for controlling
the border. He didn't need the 150
billion. who may, you know, 20 billion
would have probably been enough to
secure the border, but nobody's
conservative when it comes to this.
>> I saw your hearing where I think you
challenged the the bill the amount.
Yeah. The wall because you kind of went
through the numbers and it was uh
>> pretty pretty striking that
>> it was on their website. The next week
they changed their website because they
didn't like me reciting their website
back to them.
>> Right. So, where are we headed? 37
trillion of debt. If the debt gets
financed at five, six% which is kind of
where interest rates are trending, we're
talking about an incremental trillion
dollars a year of incest expense.
Interest expense will probably become
two trillion a year,
>> right?
>> We don't seem to be cutting the budget
much. Everyone wants more. Everyone
wants more budget for their particular
interests and their states and whatnot.
What's your view on where we're headed
over the next 10 years? Barring a lot of
Rand Paul's getting elected to
>> Yeah, the the the left, you know, has
this u modern monetary theory and it and
it sounds ridiculous and it is except
that it kind of worked for 10 or 15
years. So Bush doubled the debt from 5
trillion to 10 trillion, but the
interest rates went in half. So his
interest payments the same. You know, we
went we went from five to 10 trillion
with the same interest rate. We played a
lot of games to do something similar. So
for the last 10 years or so or maybe
eight years, we averaged our payment was
like one and a half uh% for the debt.
That's what we were paying. Now it's
three and a half. That's a pretty
significant jump. But I think if they
stay where they are, it's going to be
even more. So we're at a trillion in
interest now. Could we go to two? And
what happens? All of these things are
fixable. America is a great place
because of capitalism. We just need to
start fixing them. And it's not even
draconian. just a little bit at a time.
You know, for 12 years, I've been saying
just raise the age three months a year
for the next 20 years and and you'll be
at 70. You may eventually have to go
higher depending on longevity. The other
thing you have to do is the age doesn't
fix social security anymore. You got to
means test it. And the only difference
we have with the Democrats on the means
testing, well, on all of it, if they
would agree to any reform, they just
want to tax rich people in the
beginning. So, there's a limit. your
social security taxes go up to about
160,000 and they're indexed to kind of
keep creeping up a little bit. Um, which
I can live with that. But if there's a
choice whether rich people get less
social security in the end or we tax
them up to $10 million, I'd rather do it
in the end because somebody making $10
million is investing in creating a lot
of jobs and I'd rather not stop that.
But I don't care if rich people have
including me and I'm not that rich but
I'm upper middle class and I would get
less social security also. You can fix
the system that way. And I think we are
so dependent on it that uh it's hard to
go back to a pure system where we devel
it would be worked on charity and
private pensions. Um but we got to get
started on it. The longer you wait the
more difficult it is to fix.
>> Is there a point of no return that you
view? Is there a year or a debt amount
to GDP a debt ratio
>> that becomes a reversal?
>> There's never Well, there is a point of
return of no return for a catastrophe
and I don't know that. If I would, I'd
be predicting the day and then I'd be
fine and everybody else would get, you
know, killed by the calamity. I don't
know. You got to be really smart or
lucky to predict those calamities. Like
the people who saw the housing crisis
were really smart, you know, and they
they figured that happening. Um, so I
don't know that it is going to happen.
But I think what's important, and I tell
people this all the time, you will
always get your social security check.
You will always get your Medicare. It
will never end. But it just may not be
worth anything. So there will be a point
in time when we cut you your check and
there are colas but um what happens when
if you're if you're in 1923 in Germany
and you get annual colas didn't work so
well because the money was losing 30% an
hour you know there were times when the
German workers and was in 22 or 23 they
wanted to be paid at noon because they
didn't wait till the end of the day
because it was depreciating so fast
colas work for a while but that cost of
living increases but they are somewhat
of a game. You have a problem. You're
creating this inflation. You You hate to
punish people, so you give them a cola.
But the cola comes once a year. Part of
the breaking point for all this stuff
that has colas on is when you need to do
it every month. So that's much higher
inflation. And we've been
extraordinarily lucky. And I've never
really seen anybody write this as accur
as as um I think um detailed as that
could be. I think we've exported our
inflation. I think we've created so much
more inflation than we have. But because
we import more than we export, we pay
them in the dollars. Some of them find
their way back into our stock market,
put our stock market up. But you can go
to two dozen countries around the world
and they're trading in your dollars. So
the actual physical dollar never comes
back on some of these trades. And so I
think if you took what the M1's going up
and what the money's going up, and I
think you looked at it, some of it
disappeared. Then they play the games
with paying interest to keep it in the
Fed, which I've got a bill to eliminate
that right now. Um, and that bill is
co-sponsored by Bernie Sanders. Um, we
paid 188 billion, the Fed did, in
interest to banks, not to loan money.
Most of it went to five banks in New
York, the big five, but 40% of it went
to foreign banks. So, the Fed's buying
our interest with fake money. The
taxpayer still has to pay the interest
back to the Fed. The Fed used to use it
as profit and give it back to the
Treasury, and it's a a weird game. But
now, instead of at least playing the
weird game, they're giving it to rich
people. So this is something reminiscent
of the u occupy wall street movement
where you got right and left coming
together.
>> The free market is not dumb to this it
seems right. So the the global free
market dollar reserves according to the
IMF report on central bank holdings have
declined in the last decade. So it's
been shown the dollar reserves have
declined from 60% to 40% in the last 10
years. Meanwhile, gold has doubled from
10 to 20% of central bank holdings. And
as a result, we're seeing gold prices, I
think, 3,600 bucks an ounce as of
yesterday. What do you think is the path
here for the dollar? Like maybe we can
just kind of talk to the average person
listening. Where's this taking us?
Because the market wakes up to this and
they're saying these dollars aren't
really, you know, what they used to be.
>> I think there are two scenarios. One is
the one we're used to and that's the
gradual scenario. then the Fed tries to
intervene to try to control uh
inflation. I think they can, but I've
always asked this question to very smart
bankers and things. Is there a point in
time at which the Fed doesn't control
interest rates? And many times they'll
say, well, the Fed doesn't really
control the long-term interest rates
after the daily stuff that it's really
controlled by the marketplace, but when
is there a time in which um it just
becomes out of control? So you have the
the government shows up and says they
want to sell $20 billion of the debt.
Nobody shows up and the Fed has to buy
all of it. I think right now of our $36
trillion debt, the Fed has about a third
of it. Uh what foreign governments have
about a third and then the marketplace
has about a third. Uh what happens when
when when the private marketplace
doesn't show up? Is there a time in
which you have a Friday, they do this on
Fridays, I think you do a Friday sale
and nobody shows up. the Fed buys the
whole thing. What do you think happens
to that Monday? Do you think you'd be
trying to prepare to sell sell some
stock, you know, overnight before Monday
opens? Um, and then I think you could
have a calamity and some of it can be
fixed and some of it we we live on a
house of cards because and most people
don't know this and I don't want to
scare your audience. Will this scare
your audience if I tell too much?
>> It's great. It's going to get clicks and
views.
>> Yeah. Okay. This is this is this is very
scary. So, you have $1,000 in your
checking account and you go to the bank
and you want all of it. That only works
if a few of you go because the bank, I
think, only holds 10% of your checking
account. Now, I want the bank to loan
money. So, I give them $1,000 in a CD.
They pay me 2% and they loan it out for
3%. That's how banks traditionally make
it money. But they they have a game. I
have a a racket. This it's called
fractional reserve system. And it works
until it doesn't work. And once a bunch
of people go crazy, a bank run. We've
had bank runs even back in the 19th
century.
>> We nearly had one with Silicon Valley
Bank two years ago.
>> Exactly. Exactly. But it's really based
on that and I haven't been as involved
exactly with what the rate should be.
But I I think lo loaning out 90% of your
checking account is a recipe for a bank
run. We don't have it because we just
print more and we flood the system with
liquidity when when people get get
skittish. But there's a time at which
they can't control that and it's coming.
But I try to get back to simple things
because I don't know when that's going
to happen. Maybe it's not going to
happen. The simple thing is you spend
what comes in. Most people do. You
borrow if you have an asset that the
bank can hold like your house or
something. This is what normal people do
and they spend what comes in. Your
government should behave that way. In
the same way there are ramifications to
you personally. If you overspend, you'll
ultimately be punished. It's going to
happen to us. And so the first thing we
do, we don't even need to think about
the 36 trillion. We need to think about
the two trillion we're borrowing next.
And that number needs to be smaller. But
I can tell you people aren't getting it.
I I went, you know, I asked the
secretary treas the treasury secretary
basent about this. I said, um, you guys
are spouting all these numbers, the big
beautiful bill, and it's going to be
great, and there'll be no more debt, and
all the Saudis are going to invest 20
trillion dollars in our country, and
we'll all be rich. And I said, but the
number I'm concerned about is will the
deficit be bigger or smaller next year?
And he said, well, um, in terms of the
GDP, it will. But even that's not going
to be true. The deficit next year's uh
this year the one we're in that's going
to end in about three weeks is going to
be about 1.9 something trillion and
that's going to be about 150 160 billion
worse than last year and as a percentage
of GDP I think it's going from six to
about 6.2. So we are getting worse and
it isn't I don't say this because I you
know want to be mean and get the wrath
of Donald Trump. I say this because as
Republicans we need to be for balanced
budgets, less spending no matter who's
in the White House. And it's going to
take some some back and forth with the
president to get there.
>> Well, I want to introduce another kind
of frightening metric and statistic. So,
by my estimate, and this is not reported
by anyone, this is just me doing some
addition in an Excel spreadsheet,
somewhere around 40 to 50% of the
American workforce age population
earn their income from directly from a
government or a government contractor.
If 40 to 50% of Americans are
employed directly or indirectly by a
federal, state or local government or
government contractor
>> or earn their income from a government
check,
>> can we actually reduce spending?
>> And this is a real problem when you look
at our spending as a percentage of GDP,
the spending part, the 7 trillion, the
average over the last 5 years is about
26%. Right now we're at 23 or 24% of
GDP. And I love it because the people
say, "Well, we'll just have tariffs and
we'll run the government off tariffs."
And I said, "Well, when they did that in
the 19th century, government was 3% of
GDP." I'm for that. You bring me
spending bills and I'll vote for all of
them to make us a 19th century
government of 3% of GDP and I'll vote
for all your tariffs. But that's a
that's a big change and it is a problem
and it's sort of a two-fold problem. The
people actually working for government.
You got to make government smaller so we
don't have as many government jobs. But
the other segment is is worrisome if not
more and that is the people not
participating in the workforce. They're
getting money but they're not
participating and it's like 38 40% 42%
depending on the state. So 40% of the
people eligible to work able to work and
not working. And this is um you know
libertarians had this debate like what
do you do? They don't some of them don't
want any border controls. And they say
and my dad used to say this and I kind
of agree with this part. You need to
build a wall around the welfare state
and don't give any people coming into
the country illegal any access to your
welfare state. And I still agree with
that part. I think you still have to
have border security too and you have to
push back on millions of people coming
all at once. But there is a problem if
you had like for example and people will
tell you this in that have tomatoes or
anything else the things that uh require
handpicking you won't have enough
people. But you would have enough people
if Americans work. But a whole chunk 40%
of them aren't working who should. But
if you want to if you if you want to
expel 20 million people from the country
and do that, you have to simultaneously
quit paying the people not to work or
you won't have enough workers. There is
also this argument. There was an
economist by the name of Julian Simon
who was a big promoter of this.
Population is actually proportional to
wealth.
>> So is trade. You look at big large
charts over decades and decades. The
more trade you have, the wealthier you
have. The more people you have, the
wealthier you have. And um there was a
famous bet between Paul Erlick and
Julian Simon about five different
commodities and whether they'd be uh
more more rare after like a 10-year
period. Julian Simon, the libertarian
economist, uh wins his bet because
basically the real he said the real
resource, the real ultimate resource is
the mind. It's ingenuity. Nobody would
have imagined even in my lifetime the
whole concept of AI. We didn't imagine
smartphones or cell phones. We didn't
imagine all of these things. Um and
we're going to have these big debates
maybe bigger than everything we've
discussed is whether or not we're going
to succumb to the lite philosophy or
whether we're going to believe that we
will over not only overcome but
technology we will succeed in
technology. It doesn't mean you can just
sit there and do nothing. You have to
adapt with the times and move forward.
But we've, you know, the people breaking
the looms were wrong. Do
>> you think this transition with AI in our
economy and our society will actually
create such significant productivity
gains that jobs will proliferate that we
can get people off of the welfare, off
of government jobs and into the private
workforce because they're
>> I don't know if it fixes that problem,
but I am of the opinion that I don't
fear technology in general. And I was
having this conversation really with one
of the world's richest men and he told
me, "Yeah, that's fine." and I' I've
been with you and I'm not for the lites
except for and I said well humans you
got to have humans to make the robots he
says the first generation the second
generation of robots will be made by the
robots and I guess it doesn't it doesn't
resonate with me because I have such a
profound uh belief in in the ingenuity
of of mankind that I think it is
limitless and um I don't think that we
need to uh smash the computers I don't
think we have to break you know somehow
shut down the chip companies and say
we're all going to be out of work. I do
think though there'll be a time that we
will have such great leisure that we
will we will actually choose to work.
And I always tell people this anyway. I
want everybody in America to work not as
punishment but as reward. There is a
reward to working. And I think even if
all jobs were eliminated, you'd have
sort of like secret societies where you
can go someplace and it'll be
underground and you have to do it under
threat of death, but you can go and
work.
>> Yeah. You know, even if we have no work,
there will be want people have
>> used to have yoga classes and Pilates
classes and massage therapists and many
of the luxuries that we take for granted
today that simply didn't exist a 100
years ago when the industrial
revolution, the second industrial
revolution was underway.
>> And as we fast forward the next few
decades, I think our life, and this is
one of Pinker's points, is just labor
per capita, like labor hours has gone
down steadily. We've given ourselves
more free time with the leverage we've
created on on human time.
>> He he does this and so does uh Marian
Tupi at uh human progress. They talk
about time hours and so did William
Nordhouse the was the famous example
maybe one of the first from Yale. He was
the economist who wrote about how many
hours of work it takes to get light for
a year to read by. And it was like in
the 19th century because you had to have
candles. It was like 10,000 hours of
work or no maybe it's a thousand hours
of work to have nighttime light to read
by.
>> It's 10 seconds of work gives you an
entire year's worth of light. That
productivity increase nobody could
fathom and all the loites, you know,
hate that kind of stuff and it's like
it's not going to happen and we need to
take the pitchfork and the axe to the
computers. Uh, no, we'll we'll figure it
out. Um, I do think though that the the
the AI people and once again I'm not a
genius on AI. I don't write code. I
don't know any of that. But I think it's
overstated that uh how great AI is going
to be. I think it's going to be a lot of
cool things. And I think some people are
going to get caught. We're going to have
too many data centers at one point. And
I don't care how much electricity
they're sucking. But at the same time, I
think we're going to have too many of
them because people will say what the
one thing I see they do really well now
is they they uh are great adjacent to
things. uh you know I've looked up
political questions even today on what
happens if we hand the reverse repos you
know at the Federal Reserve and it gives
a a pretty good explanation it's a
faster it isn't smarter than humans it's
much faster at doing the search that I
could have done manually by using the
Google search engine but these things
just kill and I wonder whether that's
you know everybody oh we got to break up
Google because they have a monopoly on
search engines I wonder how long it will
take until maybe it's already happening
that AI I will make Google less of a
dominant search engine.
>> This was actually in the court ruling
yesterday, the judge that decided to not
break up Google. There was a write up on
the rise of AI showing a a point
>> and that I'm in favor of on multiple
levels, but I think it's also cool.
Nobody would have predicted, oh, oh,
Google's going to have everything and
they'll the whole world market all of a
sudden something comes in new, you know,
>> right? AI, like any other technology
prior, provides leverage on human time
and therefore leverage on human capital.
And when you get a higher ROI on
capital, you generally have more capital
flow in, not less. So people will invest
more in people. They will pay more to
people. They will hire more people as AI
tools are utilized. They're just going
to increase productivity for every
person.
>> That's a great way of putting it. And I
hadn't thought of that because that fits
with my sort of Adam Smith model that
the extent of our prosperity is the
extent of the division of labor. And so
if AI gives me four more free time, you
know, then I'm I'm going to be smarter
and I'm going to think of other ideas
and maybe we will get to Mars. You know,
>> I just want to ask your point on Doge.
There was a lot of proclamations at the
start of this administration about the
importance of Doge, Elon Musk's role in
the administration. The president and
others in the administration declared
Doge such an important part of the
efforts and all the cabinet members were
incorporating Doge team members into
their work. Today, is Doge dead? No, I
still met meet with people in government
who I think are part of Doge were uh
probably colleagues and friends of Elon
Musk and brought into the situation. I
think they've been a great addition
because one, they're people who know
about profit and loss and they're people
who have been successful in business and
the fact that they've been selected by
the marketplace as being successful
people means they're good people to have
in government. Is it everything I'd
wished? No. But that's not the Doge
people's fault. That's people resisting
Doge and resisting the cuts. I like the
fact that the president pushed on with
another round of the foreign aid cuts
and he's doing this pocket resision and
you know I am a stickler for the rules
and for the constitution. The
constitution is very explicit on how you
spend it but it's pretty silent on not
spending it. And I think the best way
for people have their doubts about
whether they should do it is imagine we
need an aircraft carrier and we hire
somebody who looks at every nut and bolt
like Elon Musk and his rockets. All
right, we hire Elon Musk and we give him
a billion dollars and he says, "This is
crazy. I can do this for $800 million
like this." And he probably can. And
that's probably true of every aircraft
carrier we have. So he does it for 800
million.
>> Should we be forced to spend the 200
million that this this person found in
savings? Should we go to Las Vegas and
have a big convention for all the GSA
people with champagne and everything?
No. It's ridiculous. The money should go
back to the Treasury. Now, the
appropriators on both sides of the aisle
say, "No, it's been appropriate. It
should be spent." but sort of ignores
the fact that we're $2 trillion over
budget. If you had a balanced budget,
you could argue, well, we want it to be
spent. If you have $2 trillion in the
hole, if you don't spend it, we should
be applauding the savings and the money
should go back to the Treasury. So, I'm
with them on the recision stuff. I want
more of the Doge cuts. I'm all for it,
but the push back, and it's bipartisan,
the push back, it's the spenders, it's
the big spenders in both parties that
have pushed back on Doge, but I still
wish them success and still am for them.
I was struck by how many Senate
confirmation hearings I watched where
senators blatantly spoke on camera about
the need to keep dollars flowing to
their state and that was the motivation.
It just drove me nuts. Anyway, we'll
move on. I want to talk about your new
book, Deception, The Great COVID
Coverup. What was at the heart of the
coverup from your point of view?
>> Some people get nervous when you talk
about cover up or conspiracy. They're
like, "Oh, you're one of those crazy
people." And I think the best way to
think of a conspiracy is the way George
Carlin put it. George Carlin said that
it's not necessary to have a cabal of
people, you know, that are all evil that
get together in a room to have a
conspiracy. All that's necessary is to
have a convergence of interest. The
convergence of interest in COVID was
holy crap, we funded this. And so if you
are Anthony Fouchy and you know that
you've made a deal to do very dangerous
research in China, one because there's
less oversight in China and there's
complaints beginning to circulate in
America. Let's outsource this to China.
What's your first thought? We got to
cover this up. And that's exactly what
he was doing. The phone calls went on in
our in my book. My wife helped me write
it. We go on in vivid detail of the
minuteby minute of him going till 3 in
the morning that first night. Emails
going back and forth and back and forth.
Jeremy Ferrar is his counterpart at
Welcome Trust in England.
He is saying, "I didn't know what a
burner phone was. I had to buy a burner
phone. My wife said I should talk to my
uh brother, bring him in in case
something happens to me." And then he
goes on to say, "It was no big deal. It
turns out it just came from animals."
It's like, well, you think the animals
are going to kill you? Why are you
getting a burner phone? Why are you
giving your last rights to your brother?
These people were very concerned.
Maybe not that they were going to be
killed by foreign agents, but that the
public was going to find out that they
had been funding this very dangerous
research and that millions of people die
because of lack of oversight. But I go
through the emails. There's never been a
more extraordinary cover up in the sense
that these people were saying in public
the opposite of what they were saying in
private. So freedom of information
became the the the tool that uncovered a
lot of this and thousands of people, you
know, helped to get this done. But in
private, Anthony Fouchi is saying I'm
50/50 whether this came from the lab or
animals. in publicly saying you're a
conspiracy theorist and should be
treated as crazy and that we should uh
expune you or we should expose you. We
should bring you down. Him and Francis
Collins are talking back and forth about
bringing down Jay Badacharia and uh all
of the others that were exposing this
stuff.
This is just extraordinary. We have the
we have the proof. You're saying they
knew that their funded research which
was done in China because there was less
oversight is what ultimately led to the
development of SARS KV2 and it escaped
from the lab.
>> They knew there was a high everything's
a a proportion. Everything is a
percentage. They knew there was a high
chance it was and they they chose to
cover it up because in the book I say
this is about the business of science.
This isn't about science. It's about the
business of science. And people have to
realize there are some good people in
this world. There are good scientists
who want to cure cancer. But there are
many people getting millions of dollars
and there's nothing against money. I'm
all for money and good people should be
paid for important discoveries. But they
shouldn't shouldn't be paid not to tell
us the truth and it should be exposed. I
think all the scientists should have to
reveal their royalties. Not one
scientist in government reveals their
royalties.
>> Some of them are now getting millions of
of dollars in this stuff. Fizer paid 800
million and Madna paid 400 million and
they've taken that money and now they
put it in a foundation that I have no
oversight in government over. Government
has no oversight of there's an NIH
foundation that has $1.2 trillion in it
given from big pharma for their share of
the COVID vaccine. So no, it's an
extraordinary thing where in private
they were very open to the fact leaning
towards and in favor of the fact that
the virus came from a lab. In public
they were disdainful. They got Facebook
to take all our crap down. They got
Facebook to take down the discussion of
it as a conspiracy. That's an evil thing
to do. And it's it's dishonest. It's not
just you're a bad person. If you were in
the government and you were leading
people astray as to the cause of
something because you find it you
deserve to be punished really in a
criminal way.
>> I saw your heated exchange with Fouchy.
There was a a video. It's about nine
minutes long. It went viral. you and uh
questioning uh Fouchy
um about gain of function research and I
just want to talk about the origin of
gain of function research because it's a
term of art that's got different
definitions right depending on who you
ask Fouchy obviously disagreed with the
definition what's your view as a doctor
as someone who's worked in science and
as a political leader about the role
that government should play in
researching ahead of the curve so that
understanding what may come next which I
think is part of the argument for some
of this research that we need to
understand how viruses can evolve so
that we can prepare for the next
pandemic because if we don't there will
be a congressional hearing saying why
didn't you prepare enough
>> so there's different aspects to this
should we know how viruses evolve
absolutely should we test viruses and
infections from different natural
sources yes gain of function is
different than that gain of function is
forcing evolution in a direction so gain
of function is I take a rat and I put
human lungs in it. Not literally human
lungs, but I have a they will express
receptors that make cells think that
they're invading a human. So, I give it
a virus and I run it through and nine
nine rats survive and one's sick as
What I do is I take the really
sick one, I culture the virus out and I
do it again. And every time I just keep
culturing it till I get a virus that
really attaches to human cells. We
believe COVID is that because most
animal viruses, the aven flu right now,
if the aven flu is not manipulated in a
lab, it can infect a human but doesn't
go human to human. It has trouble.
That's the way animal viruses are. When
CO started, it hit humans and went
everywhere. It just there was nothing
stopping it, which made us think it was
pre-addapted. There are many other
reasons why we think this happens. But
as far as gain of function, what should
be regulated and what shouldn't? One,
it's very dangerous. Viruses are more
dangerous than bacteria if they're
aerosolized. something that can spread
through the air can be incredibly
dangerous. Um, lethality. Should you
increase the lethality of it? Um, some
of these viruses start with 50%
lethality. And if you want to know what
that's like, read Barbara Tukman's about
the 14th century calamity and the black
plague. When a third of Europe died, I
mean, we're talking about setting back
civilization hundreds of year. We're
talking about entering the stone age. We
we some people think we could lose 10%
of our population and we wouldn't get
chlorine in the water. we'd no longer
have portable water and we would have
riots like you've never seen in just a
disaster. So aerosolization, increasing
the lethality, increasing the
transmissibility are all dangerous
things. They did all of that and yet he
argued, oh well, you can't have gain of
function unless it was intentional. And
it's like, well, if you're running it
through human humanized mice or rats,
you're pushing it you're pushing its
evolution to be infectious in humans.
And uh you know he he basically lied.
One day he came and they had actually
changed the the definition on his
website the day before. So they knew I'd
been arguing that it was gain of
function. They actually literally
changed the definition on the website to
say it doesn't match the definition.
>> You would still support research into
where viruses are headed and protecting
the population and doing this this
research but not in this directed
engineered way.
>> Right. So there's a there's a big
difference and even many some of the
people support Fouchy actually support
me on this. Identifying viruses
mostly a good idea but still you have to
think about it. A lot of these viruses
are 300 feet underground in these
enormous bat caves in South China. So
should you go down 300 feet underground
and just randomly get as many as you can
and take them back to a lab in Wuhan.
Well, there's the danger that one you
got is the one that's going to kill all
of mankind. Maybe it was never getting
up and other viruses would dominate it
and never was getting up to service. You
should check the humans who live around
the cave. You should check viruses that
get up into our world. I'm not sure you
should bring viruses from very remote
areas to big cities. But then it's worse
than that. The big virus identification,
which sounds benign. They were taking
the corona viruses. They were taking a
backbone of it and they have a new one
they found in a cave. They were taking
the S- protein off a new one and
sticking it on a backbone. the backbone
is infectious and they're wanting to
know does it make it more or less
infectious. Well, that's really a recipe
for discovering something that maybe is
a disaster. It isn't helping and and
most most of the people who follow this
that oppose gain of function say no gain
of function research has developed any
vaccines. But here's further I think a
compromise and a moderation of this. I
don't want to ban it. I want to set up a
presidential commission of scientists
who are not currently employed by NIH,
don't have grants that I can give them
bigger grants if they agree with me. And
I want them to evaluate this. But not
only do they need to evaluate the
civilian side of this, they need to
evaluate the classified side because
here's what happens in our government.
And I only know this much because they
won't tell me either. They say, "Well,
the Chinese are doing this." Well, then
we need to do it. You have to, oh, the
Chinese are doing this. They're working
with Norberg virus. I'm just making this
part up of which virus they're dealing
with this very dangerous virus. Well, we
should too. That is the basically the
logic and what it takes to get a
research grant in the classified area
that the Chinese are doing it. Well, you
know, we might have an accident doing
something the Chinese are doing that the
Chinese shouldn't be doing and we should
be trying to stop them from doing, but
we could kill the world also through an
accident.
>> Uh even the safest labs in our country
have dozens of accidents every year.
>> Fair enough. Do you feel like there's
been an erosion of public trust in
science and scientific institutions in
this country? And importantly,
when people lose faith in science, which
is meant to be the source for objective
truth, a process by which we discover
the truth through testing and
experimentation, hypothesizing, testing
and experimentation, and looking at the
results objectively,
>> does it not create space for people to
come in with untruths and convince the
public of untruths being true?
>> Right. Absolutely. And so, the biggest
one they're talking about now is vaccine
hesitancy. So, and people say, "Oh, it's
all the right wing. It's people crazy on
the right wing that are creating this
vaccine hesitency." And I say, "Well, if
you tell people things that aren't true,
they become distrustful of all science."
So, I'll I'll tell you one right now.
I've had this back and forth with C Bill
Cassidy, the senator from Louisiana, and
with other members of the establishment
medical community. Does your two-day old
need a hepatitis B vaccine? I just went
through this personally.
>> Yeah.
>> And we we opted not to and we have to
deal with it in the schools and we've
been having this debate about how
>> we did the same thing. We did it later
on in school. But here's the thing. Does
your two-day old need There's one
indication for your two-day old get it.
Mom has hepatitis B and you have to
within 12 hours give them the vaccine
and you have to give them imunoglobulin
which is like a a monoconal antibbody
against hepatitis. But they test it
already. So if the mom does not have
hepatitis B, is there any indication
with hepatitis B? No. In fact, you know
what the honest people will tell you?
They'll say, "Oh, no, but we have you
there and we can get much better
compliance by forcing it and pushing it
in the hospital." The other problem is
this. There's so many problems on so
many levels. The hepatitis B vaccine
wears off. When does it wear off? About
10 to 12 years. When might you want to
inoculate your kid for hepatitis B? If
you are worried about your teenager
getting involved in sex, drugs, and rock
and roll, and IV drugs. That's when it's
going to happen. You might consider the
hepatitis B vaccine. Plus, he's 12 years
old at that point and much bigger,
stronger, and able to take whatever you
give them. But they are creating vaccine
hesitancy on this because they're lying
to us. They're absolutely lying to us.
COVID vaccine the same. People think I'm
antivaccine. Uh my age, I'm 62. I
probably would have taken it. I'm still
a little iffy on some of the details,
but I the reason I didn't take it is I
got infected in March of 2020. I had it
and I didn't take the vaccine. But would
I give it to my 5-year-old right now?
Hell no, I wouldn't have. Would I have
given it to him in March of 2020? No,
because all of the initial evidence out
of uh China was children. They weren't
even sure if they were getting sick. But
when they started doing the testing,
they found out they were all getting it
and they weren't getting sick.
>> It's like a lot of social discourse and
politics. It's become so binary. There's
no nuance and there's no gray area for
conversation about some of these make
sense, some of them do not. Why can't we
agree that we can each have a different
point of view on that? And
>> most of Europe doesn't do the COVID
vaccine or push it on goods. So, I think
I blame them and actually do want people
to believe in science. I come from a
scientific background. And I've had uh
papers published in scientific journals.
You know, I come from that background.
But uh you have to be honest with
people. And I also believe people are
smarter. You don't have to have a PhD to
know people are lying to you about the
FB vaccine.
>> Just today, Putin Xi and Kim Jong-un
stood together in Beijing. Very dramatic
show of strength and unity as a group.
What does it mean for America to be in
competition with China? Is this going to
evolve into a conflict from your point
of view? Or is there a way to carry the
world forward where we all have
prosperity where we all progress, where
all societies succeed, where they
cooperate, and we have a multipolar
world that doesn't dictate a winner and
a loser. Do we really need American
primacy?
>> The shorter answer is yes. The longer
answer is more complicated. Um Graham
Allison wrote a book, The Thusidities
Trap, and
>> we interviewed him at our show last
night.
>> He's amazing guy. Really, really bright
guy and a guy I'm fond of. He you know
talks about up and cominging powers and
is is war inevitable and interesting and
I don't know if this commander but I met
with one of the Pacific fleet managers I
don't want to name him because I don't
want him conversation but he said when
you go back to Washington make sure they
know that war with China is not
inevitable and I thought it's a profound
statement from a guy who's going to be
in charge of the war and out there
fighting on the front lines and uh I
think it is very possible and I think it
but it gets back to fallacies um can you
trade with China where you both get rich
and it's not they're ripping us off. Uh
I think yes and I think that is the
truth of the matter. Since 1975 on,
we've had a trade deficit every year and
we got richer and so do they are there
problems and dislocations in industry?
Yeah. But I would actually argue what
killed the steel industry or hurt the
steel industry the most in this in this
country was actually protectionism. Um
they've been protected for long one
antitrust killed them first when they
broke up US steel and that became them
less competitive with foreigners because
they were smaller. But then the second
thing that went after them is we did try
to protect them. This isn't the first
time we tried to protect steel. We've
been trying to protect steel. As we
protected steel, what did it do? Did it
breed uh better and more uh profound
market decisions or worse decisions? So,
if you're selling me chairs and I tell
you, you sell them for $50, I can say,
well, we'll put a tariff on you, sell
them for $100. Are you going to be more
efficient or less? You know, you won't
make as wise a decision because you're
being protected from the competition.
And so, all of that happened with with
steel industry. But I think we can we
have to get through the fallacy part,
but we also have have to understand that
I think we're pushing in the wrong
direction. There's a possibility. People
think we're going to defeat them and
we're going to come out on top because
we're so, you know, great and
protectionism is going to show how great
we are. But them all meeting together to
me shows one other possibility. And I
don't know what will happen. Nobody
does. But there's one possibility that
finally unites them enough that they do
everything in their power not to use the
dollar and maybe they can displace the
dollar. They already try in their
transactions. And so I think we we we
use the the stick in foreign policy and
you have to have it, but we should have
a carrot offered as well. Um I just met
with some Syrian Americans today,
physicians mostly and uh uh
intellectuals and u engineers and things
and they want to get rid of the
sanctions on Syria. And I say finally,
now they did like that. I think this
group liked the sanctions before, but
they want to get rid of them. Finally,
somebody wants to get rid of sanctions
because there has to be a reward. And so
even with countries we find distasteful
and often are distasteful. Iran, there
has to be an offer somehow to get rid of
the sanctions. I would send my diplomats
to China. I'll give you a great example.
Blinken and Yellen went to China and
they were screaming, pitching a fit and
and telling the Chinese how bad they
were. One that's not very good
diplomacy, but they wanted them to stop
selling dual use parts to Ukraine. I
mean to Russia in the Ukraine war. And
so I said, "Well, it's a reasonable
goal." But had I been in charge, I would
send my diplomats to China and I would
say, "Look, the Chinese don't like to
lose face. They don't like you insulting
them in their own country. Quietly say,
you know, this sanction I think is
costing you about $50 billion worth of
of wealth. We'll remove it, but you got
to quit selling them the dual use." They
would never admit that we pushed them
into doing it. It's a trade and it's
transactional and diplomacy sometimes
needs to be that. We have a lot of
people both in Congress and and involved
administrations who are much more black
and white that there are good and bad
people in the world and the bad people
need to die and we need to defeat them
utterly. And I wish they would die and
go away, but you know, I can't that kind
of attitude. We're going to be waiting a
long time if we think sanctions is going
to get rid of the Communist Party in
China. Capitalism might someday. And
everybody complained, well, Deng
Xiaoping opened it up and it they still
have repression and capitalism. It's
true. But I think you might argue and
this isn't a great argument for current
China, but that China may be a better
place than it was under Mao. I mean,
people who've been there tell me that it
definitely is 10x improvement in GDP per
capita. You visit a modern Chinese city,
it's like living in the future,
>> right?
>> People are very happy, it seems, despite
the
>> but not an argument for socialism, but
an argument that most of that's actually
due to the amount of capitalism they've
allowed to come in. There was a
interview with the guys from the I think
it was the Hoover Institution that it
was actually the entrepreneurism in the
country. Political future for you,
Senator, or are you thinking maybe you
could run for president again in the
future?
>> You know, I think um it depends on what
happens in the next year or two. I think
there needs to be a voice within our
party that is more libertarian free
market. I think we have populism and
protectionism covered and I think there
will be many errors and many people
competing to be heirs of Donald Trump in
the protectionist front. I don't think
it's good for our country and I think it
will make us less wealthy and ultimately
could really lead to a calamity. um if
things are rosy in three or four years
and the economyy's percolating along and
it is a possibility. It is a possibility
that the tariffs as as bad as I think
they are are not a big enough percentage
of the overall GDP to slow things down
and that capitalism is still vibrant
enough to overcome the tariffs. There's
a distinct possibility if that's true
we'll get more tariffs and we'll get
another protectionist populist
president. Um I want to be that voice
whether it's in the Senate or running
for the presidency. I don't know. I
think right now, all things given, uh,
free markets and free trade isn't isn't
very popular right now. People are all
making excuses for why we should own
Intel. Howard Lutnik thinks that's part
of that's capitalism and, you know, that
tariffs are lowering taxes and all
gobbledegook that makes no sense. If
that if the economy still percolated on,
people may still accept that uh nonsense
as truth.
>> I've been to DC a number of times in the
last year or two. I always tell people
I'm disappointed when I meet with
members of Congress when I come back
from DC because I hear the same thing
over and over and I don't see a
progressive voice that actually speaks
to where this nation needs to go. I
often consider myself a libertarian. So
I want to thank you for your service,
for your leadership, for your voice.
Thank you for being here today.
>> Thank you.
[Music]
I'm going all in.
Ask follow-up questions or revisit key timestamps.
The video features a wide-ranging conversation with Senator Rand Paul, covering his views on the U.S. economy, the national debt, foreign policy, and his political philosophy. He critiques the current trend of protectionism and government overspending, advocating instead for free-market principles, trade, and fiscal discipline. Paul also discusses his book, 'Deception: The Great COVID Coverup,' detailing his investigation into the origins of the virus and questioning the transparency of government scientific institutions. Throughout the discussion, he emphasizes the importance of maintaining a voice for liberty and constitutionality in Washington.
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