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Era of Peace Is Over... UK Prepares for WAR With Russia

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Era of Peace Is Over... UK Prepares for WAR With Russia

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The UK is moving onto a war footing— and Russia  is the reason why. This isn’t just about troops or  

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weapons anymore. It’s about preparing the entire  country for conflict. Behind the scenes, a Cold  

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War–era plan is being revived—updated for modern  warfare, and built to keep Britain functioning  

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under sustained attack. It covers everything:  infrastructure, supply chains, civilian response,  

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and how the state operates when normal rules  no longer apply. At the center of it all is  

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a document most people have never heard of— The  Government War Book. This comprehensive document  

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lays out exactly how the UK will deal with a new  war against Russia – but not just for the nation’s  

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armed forces. It’s a strategy for building  resilience across the entire society. Let’s  

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take a look at what this secret plan is all about,  and how it fits into the growing preparations for  

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war against Russia. The revival of the Government  War Book was revealed by the UK’s defense chief,  

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Air Chief Marshal Sir Richard Knighton, at  the London Defense Conference in April 2026.  

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Asked in an interview about whether the UK was  reviving the old government war book, he said: “I  

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think that's right.” He also described what that  would look like. “NATO describes the transition  

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to conflict as a military component, but it also  has a civilian component,” the defense chief said.  

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Civilians, he said, need to be aware that the  relative peace the UK has enjoyed over the past  

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30 years is under increasing threat. During the  Cold War, the UK considered its main threat to  

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be a Russian invasion or full-scale nuclear war.  But times have changed, and so have the threats.  

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As Knighton explains, “That requires us to educate  ourselves and help the population understand some  

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of those threats and help them understand what  they can do to support the nation and potentially  

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support the armed forces.” That’s exactly what the  new War Book is intended to do: build resilience  

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across the whole of society so that the UK will  be able to prevail in a new conflict with Russia.  

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According to Knighton, the updated iteration  draws on lessons from the Cold War but “in a  

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modern context, with a modern society, with modern  infrastructure.” So, what does this plan entail?  

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Well, it’s still being drawn up, and like its  predecessors, it’s likely to be highly classified.  

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But we can get a good idea of the framework from  previous iterations. The original War Book emerged  

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during the First World War, and was maintained  throughout the Twentieth Century. The primary  

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assumption throughout the Cold War period was that  the main threat was an attack by the Soviet Union.  

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Nothing’s changed today, except the official name  of the aggressor nation. Back in 2009, renowned  

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British historian Peter Hennessy convinced UK  authorities to give him access to a Cold War-era  

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version of the plan. Hennessy – or to use his full  title, Baron Hennessy of Nympsfield, FBA – has  

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been the Attlee Professor of Contemporary British  History at Queen Mary University of London since  

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2001. He also serves as a crossbench peer in the  UK’s House of Lords. Hennessy was amazed by the  

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contents, telling the BBC's Today program that  “The surprise really is the width and magnitude  

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of it – 16 chapters to get the nation from a  peacetime footing to a total war footing. It is  

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a remarkable enterprise.” Over those 16 chapters,  the document gives precise plans and instructions  

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for the steps British officials would take both  during the build-up to a confrontation and after  

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the bombs started falling. It covers these steps  in mind-boggling detail, on the assumption that  

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they’d need to be implemented with as little as  seven to 28 days’ notice. According to the plans,  

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the country would have been divided into 12  regions, each governed by cabinet ministers  

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with wide powers. They would be aided by senior  military officers, chief constables, and judges  

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– all based in bunkers. Other senior figures  would have retreated to a central government  

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shelter under the Cotswolds. From these protected  positions, an entirely new system of local,  

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regional, and central government would be put  in place. Parliament could vote on essentially  

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abolishing itself, replacing the centralized  democratic government with a series of “Regional  

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Commissioners.” These were Ministers who would  have absolute control over one of the now devolved  

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regions of the UK, including the power to approve  death sentences. The volumes of the War Book in  

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the Archives at Kew also contain extensive files  covering how to close motorways, how to draw  

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up stockpiles of food, and how to put in place  wartime broadcasting arrangements. The documents  

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also describe in detail feeding arrangements, the  necessity of maintaining large stockpiles of basic  

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foods, and give guidance to farmers on how to  protect their herds from radiation. Extensive  

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supplies, stockpiles, and facilities were to be  put in place to support the transition to war.  

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This included emergency feeding equipment to cover  survivors, including basic foodstuffs held in 65  

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“buffer” depots nationwide. Most utility companies  maintained war stocks. For example, British  

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Telecom, or BT, had emergency depots containing  stockpiles of cables and poles that could be used  

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to reestablish communication networks. Many local  BT exchanges also had on-site stores and food,  

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as well as emergency bricks to build a temporary  fallout shelter. These formed part of an extensive  

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and highly resilient communication infrastructure  put in place across the UK. This infrastructure  

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included hardened facilities, underground bunkers,  microwave towers, and emergency networks designed  

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to bypass nuclear-devastated cities. The plans  even went as far as the removal of art treasures  

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from London to Scotland, the emptying of hospitals  of all but the most acutely ill, and blanket  

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information control – aka censorship. Indeed, as  a former civil servant, Sir David Omand, who was  

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involved in the planning, recalls, “My favorite  measure, the one which always aroused a lot of  

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debate … was the introduction of censorship for  private correspondence. You can imagine that was  

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something that ministers would only agree to right  at the very end when it was clear that war was  

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inevitable.” We could go on and on. The attention  to detail in the War Book is truly astounding. Of  

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course, as the nature of warfare and the threats  faced by the UK evolved over the years, so did the  

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War Book. Regular exercises based on the book were  held every two years by senior civil servants like  

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Omand, bolstered by daily internal briefings and  ongoing national preparedness schemes such as the  

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stockpiling of food and building materials for  shelters. The process of maintaining, refining,  

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and implementing appropriate measures on the  basis of the War Book continued for decades.  

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The measures in the War Book became part of  the everyday fabric of British life. And then,  

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just like that, the Soviet Union crumbled, and  the primary threat to the UK subsided into more or  

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less irrelevance. And with it went the UK’s focus  on war preparedness. The headline numbers tell  

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the tale. In the 1950s, government spending on  public health amounted to around 3 percent of GDP.  

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By 2020, it was around 12 percent. Conversely,  defense spending fell from nearly 8 percent of  

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GDP in the mid-1950s to roughly 2.3 percent today.  The result? From a military perspective, to use  

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the phrase coined by current UK Defense Secretary  John Healey and his predecessor Ben Wallace,  

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the UK’s Armed Forces have been “hollowed out” by  years of underfunding. At the peak of its powers,  

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the British Empire was the most powerful nation  on the planet – a hegemon whose empire ruled over  

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a quarter of the world’s population and a quarter  of its land area. The British Navy – the primary  

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means of projecting power globally – was larger  than the next two largest navies combined. The  

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total size of the UK’s regular Armed Forces in  1990 was roughly 305,000 to 311,000 personnel,  

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not 150,000. Additionally, the force was not “half  the size” of the 1980 force, which stood at around  

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327,000. It appears the script may have confused  the size of the entire Armed Forces with that of  

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the British Army alone, which was roughly 152,000  personnel in 1990. To be sure, the UK is still  

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considered to be the sixth most powerful military  in the world, behind the U.S., Russia, China,  

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India, and South Korea. Its nuclear arsenal,  large network of global bases, array of advanced  

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weaponry, and enduring soft power mean that very  few powers can compete despite its decline. Still,  

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the numbers make unpleasant reading. In the  1980s, the Army had more than 1,000 main  

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battle tanks. Today, it has about 200, of which  perhaps half are serviceable. For reference,  

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Russia has already lost over 4,300 to date in  Ukraine. The Royal Navy has taken a few (verbal)  

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shots from President Donald Trump, who described  its two aircraft carriers – HMS Prince of Wales  

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and HMS Queen Elizabeth – as “toys” that are “too  old” and “don't work.” UK Defense Minister Luke  

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Pollard dismissed Trump’s claims, saying, “No,  we’ve got a strong Royal Navy.” But Trump does  

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have somewhat of a point. The Royal Navy is  often said to have more admirals – 40 – than  

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warships – about 13. And although its two aircraft  carriers are designed for 36 fighter jets,  

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neither has carried more than eighteen because of  a shortage of suitable aircraft. Now, from the end  

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of the Cold War up until early 2022, outside of  certain minority circles, the “hollowing out” of  

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the British armed forces was basically not much of  a concern for the average Brit. Most seemed quite  

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happy with increased government spending on public  health and other public services, even if that  

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came at the cost of what was euphemistically  described as a “leaner military.” After all,  

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with a weakened Russia and the threat of terrorist  attacks from Islamic jihadis largely contained,  

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imminent threats to British security had all but  vanished. The meticulous planning in the War Books  

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was put on a shelf to gather dust, and the very  idea of cultivating wartime resilience largely  

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disappeared from public and private discourse. The  meticulous preparations painstakingly compiled,  

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rehearsed, and revised over decades had made  the UK one of the nation's best-prepared for  

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conflict. But it didn’t matter anymore. Peacetime  had arrived, and it was here to stay. Or at least  

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that’s how it seemed. Then Russia invaded Ukraine  in February 2022, and the Russian threat cast its  

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ominous shadow over the British Isles once  more. During the war, the UK has, of course,  

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been one of Ukraine’s most involved allies.  From February 2022 until February 2026, the  

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UK has pledged at least £21.8 billion to Ukraine,  worth around $29.5 billion. Almost 60 percent of  

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that – $17.66 billion – has been direct military  aid, with a further $4.06 billion pledged annually  

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until 2030/31, or “for as long as it takes.”  The UK has also trained over 62,000 Ukrainian  

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personnel in the UK under Operation INTERFLEX. A  landmark battlefield technology sharing agreement  

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was signed in June 2025. And production of drones  for Ukraine under joint ventures between Ukrainian  

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and British companies is growing. A partnership  between Ukrainian company Skyeton and the UK’s  

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Prevail Partners aims to scale up production  of Skyeton’s battle-tested Raybird drone at  

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Prevail’s UK-based facilities. Meanwhile, mass  production of Ukrainian Octopus-100 interceptor  

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drones under another UK/Ukrainian joint venture  called Project Octopus began in the UK in January  

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2026 at a new factory in Mildenhall. The facility,  which is operated by the Ukrainian manufacturer  

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Ukrspecsystems UK, aims to produce thousands  of drones per month. The first drones were  

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sent to Ukraine for testing in January 2026, with  successful flights reported. Tired of seeing the  

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same stories and the same tired analysis on every  military news channel? Here on the Military Show,  

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we dig deeper, putting the stories into context  and explaining why they matter. Subscribe to the  

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channel so you always understand exactly what’s  going on and why. Now, with the high level of  

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military involvement we’ve just outlined, not to  mention the mountain of diplomatic, financial,  

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and humanitarian support that the UK has provided  to Ukraine, it’s not surprising that the Russians  

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have taken a rather dim view of it all. In fact,  Russia’s concerns about the UK seem to have  

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slipped into outright paranoia. In the aftermath  of Ukraine’s audacious Operation Spiderweb in June  

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2025, Russia’s ambassador to the UK, Andrey Kelin,  accused the UK of being involved in organizing the  

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multi-pronged attack on Russian strategic  airfields. In an interview with Sky News,  

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he said that the success of the operation required  access to “high-tech geospatial data” that only  

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the United States and the United Kingdom possess.  The U.S. had denied involvement, he said – but  

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the UK hadn’t. “We know very well how involved  London is, how deeply British troops are involved  

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in cooperation with Ukraine,” he added. A few  months later, Russia’s SVR intelligence agency  

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went a step further, claiming that the UK was  the world’s biggest “warmonger” and engaged in  

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actively undermining Trump’s attempts to negotiate  peace. “It is time to expose them and send a clear  

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signal to the treacherous Albion and its elites:  you will not succeed,” they stated threateningly.  

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Added to this increasingly aggressive Russian  rhetoric are increasing reports of Russian “gray  

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warfare” or “hybrid warfare” operations across  Europe and in the UK. These include cyberattacks,  

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economic pressure, disinformation campaigns,  drone incursions, sabotage, and disruption  

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of infrastructure. Most recently, the UK accused  Russia of conducting a covert submarine operation  

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threatening the UK’s undersea cables and pipes.  According to British Secretary of State for  

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Defence John Healey, the operation lasted over a  month, although no cables were ultimately damaged.  

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However, together with allies, the UK had tracked  “every mile” of the deployment involving three  

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Russian submarines: an Akula-class and a pair of  Main Directorate for Deep Sea Research, or GUGI,  

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surveillance subs. Other than a satellite image  of the three ships leaving Russia’s Olenya port,  

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purportedly heading for British waters, no hard  evidence has been presented to support the claims.  

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Russia dismissed the claim as “impossible to  either believe or verify [… which] apparently,  

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is precisely its purpose.” Taken in isolation,  they may have a point. But it’s not an isolated  

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incident. Incidents of potential or actual Russian  sabotage of critical infrastructure, cyberattacks,  

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drone incursions, and similar “hybrid war”  provocations certainly appear to be on the  

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increase. So, you can see why a growing number  of European and British officials have convinced  

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themselves that once Russia is done in Ukraine, it  will turn its aggressive intentions towards NATO.  

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And the warnings have become ever more frequent  and stark as the war in Ukraine has developed.  

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For example, General Sir Roly Walker, Chief of  the General Staff of the British Army, warned in  

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May 2025 that the threat to NATO is “real” and  emphasized a “lack of time” in preparing for  

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future Russian aggression. Newly-appointed head of  British intelligence agency MI6 Blaise Metreweli  

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described Russia as “aggressive, expansionist,  and revisionist” in her first public speech in  

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December 2025, asserting that Putin seeks to  subjugate Ukraine and harass NATO. Knighton  

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himself stated in December 2025 that the situation  is “more dangerous than I have known during my  

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career.” He called for a “whole society” approach  to defense in the face of growing uncertainty and  

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threats, highlighting an increased probability  of Russia invading a NATO country. Now,  

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the revitalization of the War Book pulls that  call firmly into reality. The UK has already taken  

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significant steps to overhaul its armed forces and  bring them back to a state of wartime readiness as  

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quickly as possible. Defense spending is on the  rise. Sir Keir Starmer’s government has committed  

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to an increase to 2.7 percent of GDP by 2027 –  a total of around £270 billion, or $365 billion.  

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That will be followed by an increase to 3 percent  “in the next parliament,” and 3.5 percent by 2035.  

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A New National Defense Strategy has been  unveiled, which highlights Russia as the UK’s  

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primary threat. And a critical 10-year Defense  Investment Plan is eagerly – or impatiently,  

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in many cases – awaited. On the military front,  things are moving rapidly. But it’s not just the  

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military that needs to be geared up for war.  War affects the entire country – government,  

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business, and ordinary people. And if the UK  military is, by its own admission, not ready  

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for war at this point, British society is even  more unprepared. That’s why the new War Book is  

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such an important step. It signals a fundamental  change in posture – from defense to resilience.  

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The difference has far-reaching implications.  Defense is about trying to stop threats,  

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while resilience assumes that some threats will  land — and focuses on absorbing and recovering  

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from them. The War Books of the Cold War era  considered two main threats – nuclear war and  

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an actual invasion of the UK by Russian forces.  Measures to improve resilience were thus based  

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around these threats. Today’s War Book must  counter an entirely new range of threats,  

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ranging from cyberwarfare and severed undersea  communication cables to attacks by long-range  

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drone and missile swarms. According to Knighton,  protecting critical national infrastructure such  

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as power stations and water supplies will  be central to the new approach. “[…] When we  

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think about renewing our water infrastructure  or electricity or transport infrastructure,  

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[we need] to think about the threat of action from  an adversary that is above the threshold of war,  

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not just a hybrid threat," he said. “That requires  us to educate ourselves and help the population  

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understand some of those threats and help them  understand what they can do to support the nation  

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and potentially support the Armed Forces,"  he added. But perhaps most telling is his  

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remark that the process of building resilience  “requires making some different choices and  

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different priorities.” The statement suggests  that resilience might involve some fundamental  

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changes to life in the UK, including some that  might be hard for many to swallow. It remains  

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to be seen whether the new War Book is quite as  comprehensive as its predecessors. Perhaps AI  

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and other modern technologies can streamline what  was, by all accounts, a time-consuming and costly  

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process. In addition to strengthening protection  of critical infrastructure, the new plan is likely  

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to involve increasing domestic production  capacity, especially in defense and energy.  

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Like in previous iterations of the War Book,  much greater coordination between industry and  

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government will be required. More controversially,  reserve and mobilization frameworks will almost  

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certainly need to be revised. Conscription  may be considered. And perhaps most crucially,  

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mass public awareness campaigns about national  security risks will be required. Along with them,  

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expect to see increasing information control and  censorship. As Russia is currently discovering  

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with massive public outrage over Moscow’s blocking  of the messenger app Telegram, even in wartime,  

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such measures don’t tend to go down well. But  perhaps the most crucial change is psychological.  

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With the reimplementation of the War Book, the  UK isn’t just preparing for war. In many senses,  

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it’s redefining what “security” means in the 21st  century. Of course, the UK is far from alone in  

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adjusting to the new multi-layered global threat  environment. Countries like Sweden, Finland,  

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and Germany have published emergency preparedness  guides, advising citizens to stockpile food,  

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water, and medicine. France is preparing to  release a new 30-page civil defense manual,  

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although officials insist it is not specifically  related to war. Germany has also updated its  

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emergency preparedness recommendations, advising  people to stockpile 10 days’ worth of essentials.  

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Poland has built border barriers and introduced  firearm training in schools. And countries like  

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Lithuania and Estonia are conducting large-scale  military and medical emergency exercises,  

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preparing hospitals for wartime, and stockpiling  critical medical supplies. While few seem to have  

19:51

gone as far as the UK’s War Book, the shift to  a new model of defense posturing across Europe  

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is clear. In this new model, war isn’t an event  but a condition. The frontline isn’t a place but  

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a system. And the participants aren’t just  soldiers but the whole of society. And that  

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changes everything, because once a nation changes  its headspace in this way, it doesn’t easily  

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reverse. Now, if you’re living in a large UK city,  starting to panic about the imminent prospect of  

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war with Russia – don’t. Preparing for war doesn’t  necessarily mean it’s going to happen. As the  

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Latin maxim goes, “Si vis pacem, para bellum”. If  you want peace, prepare for war. It’s not that the  

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UK and the other European nations starting to get  serious about defense and resilience, expecting  

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war imminently. At this point, there’s as much  evidence that the cacophony of warnings about an  

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imminent Russian attack is motivated by lucrative  defense procurement contracts as genuine Russian  

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intent. War may be imminent, or it may not.  What resilience-enhancing moves like the dusting  

20:53

off the War Book really signal is that the UK no  longer assumes that peace is stable and reliable.  

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Given the growing tensions and military flare-ups  around the world, it would be naïve to assume  

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otherwise. And when a nation – especially one as  powerful as the UK – stops assuming stability,  

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it starts behaving differently. It starts building  resilience – systematically and at scale. The  

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reintroduction of the War Book indicates that the  UK is emerging strongly from decades of military  

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slumber. No wonder the Russians are in such a  flap. For more details on how that resilience is  

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being built into the UK’s defense forces, check  out this video next. And thanks for watching.

Interactive Summary

The UK is reactivating its Government War Book, a comprehensive plan from the Cold War era, to prepare the entire nation for potential conflict with Russia. This updated strategy, revealed by Air Chief Marshal Sir Richard Knighton, goes beyond military preparations to encompass infrastructure, supply chains, and civilian response, aiming to build societal resilience. The original War Book, dating back to WWI and refined through the Cold War, outlined detailed steps for national functioning under sustained attack, including the division of the country into regions governed by ministers with broad powers, the potential abolition of Parliament in favor of Regional Commissioners, and extensive measures for food stockpiling, broadcasting, and infrastructure protection. While military spending has decreased significantly since the Cold War, recent geopolitical events, particularly Russia's invasion of Ukraine, have prompted a reassessment of national security. The UK has increased defense spending, developed a new National Defense Strategy identifying Russia as the primary threat, and is investing in military modernization. The new War Book focuses on resilience, acknowledging that some threats will inevitably materialize and emphasizing the need to absorb and recover from them, addressing modern threats like cyber warfare and drone attacks. This shift signifies a fundamental change in the UK's security posture, viewing war not as an event but as a condition, and involving the entire society. Many other European nations are also enhancing their emergency preparedness, indicating a broader European trend towards increased defense and resilience measures in response to a changing global threat environment.

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